New York Times 100 years ago today, April 6, 1913:
Eight warships, three of Austria, two of Italy, one British, one German, and one French, have begun the blockade of a port on the Montenegrin seacoast. Possibly constraint upon Montenegro to compel the abandonment of the siege of Scutari is a step toward immediate peace. Certainly it sows the seeds of future war. In determining to erect that fictitious nationality which they call a free and independent Albania, the Powers are proceeding upon the principle that served as the basis of the treaty of Vienna a hundred years ago. They draw boundaries and establish nationalities with regard only for their own selfish interests. Foreseeing the possible creation of a great Slav empire in the Balkans, an empire that for reasons of race and for other reasons would be under the influence of Russia, Germany at enormous cost increases her military force. Austria fears the new Slav empire too, for it would weaken her control over a very great part of her population, and might result in the division of her territory. She is of one mind with Germany that the fiction of an Albanian nation must be made at least a geographical reality, a sundering wedge thrust between the Balkan States. Hence the blockade. We can understand why the German, Austrian, and Italian ships are on the Montenegrin coast, but it is probable that the French and British Governments have very little heart for the adventure. The absence of a Russian ship is on the face of the matter significant: the French and the English would be more comfortable, doubtless, if Russia participated in the move, since then it would be one of the six Powers acting together.
Meanwhile Montenegro continues the siege of Scutari. King Nicholas, in the interview of which we printed a report in our London dispatch yesterday, eloquently defended the interests and the policy of his little country. The territory for which the Montenegrins are fighting belonged to their ancestors. It was taken by the Turks, and now after three centuries they would again come into their own but for the interference of the Powers. Of Scutari King Nicholas says: "My ancestors are buried in that city in the very churches built by them." And he adds: "We are but fighting to keep our own." A people animated by such a spirit will hardly be checked in their undertaking by a mere blockade demonstration of force. Yet if force be actually used, if troops be landed, the consequences might be even more serious than Austria and Germany are prepared to meet. At any rate, the real position of Russia would then very promptly be made known.
Meanwhile the Balkan allies in their reply to the Powers show anything but an assenting spirit. The Aegean Islands, they insist, shall be ceded by Turkey to the allies; the Powers had assumed the settlement of that question themselves. Inasmuch as the Aegean Islands by every rightful title belong to Greece, it is evident that that question will be one for contention in the peace congress. The allies demand furthermore that they be informed in advance of the frontiers proposed for Albania, and they still insist on a war indemnity, at least in principle. When these conditions have been agreed upon by the Powers, the operations of the war will cease. Plainly, the Powers are not to have their way, and above all Austria and Germany are not to have their way, so long as the allies remain in their present disposition.
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