Summons Wilson From Mexico.

New York Times 100 years ago today, July 17, 1913:
Bryan Calls Ambassador to Washington for Conference with President.
FOREIGN PRESSURE GROWING
Other Nations Are Said to Have Urged American Intervention in the Southern Republic.
SITUATION IS CALLED GRAVE
Huerta's Foes Appeal to Washington Against Recognition of His Government.
Special to The New York Times.
    WASHINGTON, July 16.— Ambassador Wilson was ordered back from Mexico to-day for a conference with President Wilson, and it was rumored throughout the day and evening that other governments had urged on the United States the necessity of protecting foreigners dwelling in that country.
    Secretary Bryan, in announcing that the American Ambassador had been called here for consultation with the President, asserted the step did not imply a crisis, and did not mean that another government had prodded Washington into action. In spite of that assurance, the rumor persisted that the Administration had been told that certain of the powers thought it was time for the United States to adopt a more vigorous policy toward Mexico.
    The Secretary of State made his announcement about the Ambassador after a conference with the President.
    "Ambassador Wilson," he said, "has been asked to come to Washington to confer with the President on the situation in Mexico. The American Embassy will be left in charge of the First Secretary. Mr. O'Shaughnessy."
    Mr. Bryan added:
    "The fact is that it has been in contemplation for a long time to call Mr. Wilson to Washington to consult with the President."

Wilson May Not Go Back.
    One of the rumors growing out of Secretary Bryan's news was that Henry Lane Wilson would not return to Mexico as United States Ambassador. The Administration has had in mind for a long time the appointment of a successor to Mr. Wilson, but has been deterred from doing so by considerations of the danger that might come from having an untried Ambassador in the Mexican capital. The embassy was offered to George W. Guthrie of Pittsburgh, now Ambassador to Japan. Mr. Guthrie declined, and before President Wilson could find another man to take Mr. Wilson's place the political situation in Mexico had assumed such a phase that it was deemed unwise to withdraw the Ambassador.
    A theory advanced to-day was that in view of the attitude assumed by other diplomatic representatives in Mexico, the United States should pursue a more radical policy in dealing with the perturbed conditions in that country, the Administration had concluded it might be well to have as its Ambassador a man who had formed no close ties with other envoys, and would not be influenced by their course. A fairly widespread opinion prevails that President Wilson would not have called his Ambassador from the City of Mexico at this point of danger to American interests unless the conclusion had been reached that the diplomat's presence at his post would be of no advantage to this Government.
    The more generally accepted belief was that European pressure had Produced a crisis necessitating the calling of Ambassador Wilson to Washington to give President Wilson first-hand information.
    Asked what foreign power had taken the initiative in the demand for recognition of Mexico, Mr. Bryan requested to be excused from answering. He said it would be easy by elimination to ascertain the country that had made the request. There was a distinct impression about the State Department that the country was Germany, and not Great Britain, but there was no official basis for that theory.

Must Not Talk, Says Bryan.
    When asked if he would discuss the situation far enough to indicate whether there was great pressure from within the United States or preponderantly from foreign sources. Secretary Bryan said he must not talk on the subject. Influence of both sorts has been at work recently to induce the Administration to abandon its policy of withholding recognition from the Huerta Government until after the elections in October.
    President Wilson and Secretary Bryan are of one mind in their view of the proper attitude toward the Huerta Government. They shrink even from the formal step of extending international fellowship to what they regard as a Government raised into power by murder. Although the Huerta Administration is dealt with by the American Ambassador and Consuls as a de facto Government, the Wilson Administration would prefer to wait until there is not only a de facto, but also a de jure Government. There are other considerations that cut squarely athwart the demand for recognition.
    The new Administration has been reminded that for two years President Taft refused to intervene in Mexico, although the most incessant and powerful influences were brought to bear to persuade him to do so. The large capital invested in Mexico by citizens of the United States still is more or less idle because of the continued state of disorder, but President Wilson looks upon that fact as did President Taft. In his eyes, it is one of the hazards of investment in a Latin-American republic, and not sufficient reason for going to war.
    This Government is maintaining a patrol of the Mexican boundary to prevent the importation of arms and munitions of war for the enemies of the de facto Government with as much care as at any other time since the beginning of the Madero revolution in 1910. That the Constitutionalists or revolutionary forces are in possession of all Northern Mexico, it is commented, is a far more important fact that recognition. It is contended that if the United States should recognize Huerta there would be no assurance that there would not arise in a few months the necessity to recognize the Constitutionalists now holding all Mexico, except the capital State and two others.

Mexican Rebels Plead for Arms.
    Efforts are being made to induce President Wilson to permit the revolutionary forces to import munitions of war or else to rescind that privilege in its application to the Huerta Government. It is asserted that the privilege given to the present de facto Government of
    Mexico to import munitions of war from the united States never should have been granted. It was not granted directly, but is a mere continuance of the privilege given to the Mexican Government after Francisco I. Madero was elected President.
    The Madero revolutionary party when attempting to drive Porfirio Diaz from power was hampered by inability to obtain munitions of war from the United States through lawful means. While the Diaz Administration was in authority it had all privileges from the United States that are given to a Government both de facto and de jure, and the Madero following was not recognized as a belligerent force and, therefore, not entitled to the privilege or importing arms and ammunition. But when Francisco Madero succeeded Porfirio Diaz after the Provisional Presidency of Francisco de la Barre the Madero Government was recognised by the United States. The privileges hinging on that recognition never have been rescinded and the neutrality laws are being enforced strictly in favor of the Huerta Government, although President Wilson consistently has refused to grant recognition to the Huerta Administration.
    The Constitutionalists say that is an anomalous situation and should be changed. It is asserted by the Constitutionalists that if a change in the policy is made either way Huerta's rule will be ended very shortly.
    Secretary Bryan said no time had been fixed for Ambassador Wilson to leave the City of Mexico, and the diplomat would arrange his itinerary in his own way. As Mr. Wilson cannot come by rail from the Mexican capital to the international boundary, it is thought he will ask to come north in one of the battleships at Vera Cruz or Tampico. The Minnesota left Vera Cruz yesterday for Galveston. The South Carolina is the flagship of the division and will not leave her post. It is considered likely Ambassador Wilson will have the battleship New Hampshire at his disposal to proceed to Galveston or New Orleans and will make the rest of the journey by rail to Washington.

America's Big Stake.
    In advices sent the State Department by Consul Letcher in Chihuahua the comparative commercial interests of the United States and other countries in Mexico that are imperiled by the revolution are shown. The data were supplied by mining engineers mainly. They are regarded as conservative. United States citizens have a total of capital invested and properties owned of $1,057,000,000, the largest foreign holdings in the republic. Great Britain has a total of $321,000,000 and France $143,000,000.
    Mr. Letcher's informants were unable to give him the total capitalization owned by German investors, but it is regarded as not greater than that of Great Britain. The investment of Mexican capital in the same line of properties as those included for the United States, England, and France is $793,000,000, and that of all other countries is $118,500,000.
    The United States investors have $235,000,000 in Mexican railway stocks, $408,900,000 in bonds, $7,800,000 in bank stocks. $22,700,000 in bank deposits, $223,000,000 in mines, $26,500,000 in smelters, $52,000,000 in national bonds, $8,000,000 in timber land, $3,150,000 in ranches, $9,000,000 in manufacturing enterprises, $15,000,000 in oil properties, and $15,000,000 in the rubber industry.
    Those items are exceeded in no instance, except that Great Britain holds $67,000,000 of Mexican national bonds, which is $13,000,000 more than the United States holdings, and France has $60,000,000, an excess of $8,000,000 over the American interest. United States investors very largely are owners of Mexico's railroads. Mexican capitalists have $125,440,000 of railway stocks — less than half the amount owned by citizens of the United States — and only $12,275,000 of railway bonds.
    It is believed in official and diplomatic circles that an important announcement of the attitude of the United States in the pending situation will follow Ambassador Wilson's conference with the President and Secretary Bryan. The President's step to-day, following closely the unofficial announcement that some of the foreign powers which had recognized the Huerta Government were pressing for an indication of this Government's attitude toward the continued disorders in Mexico, led to that belief. It is assumed that the Wilson Administration desires to learn from the Ambassador what influences actuated the other diplomatic representatives in Mexico, when they agreed to address their governments in a formal complaint against the attitude of the United States in its relations with the Huerta regime.
    The President has had private reports from several friends who have traveled in Mexico recently.

Ambassador on His Way
    MEXICO CITY, July 16.— Ambassador Henry Lane Wilson is leaving for Washington to-night in response to orders from the State Department.
    Secretary Bryan in communicating with the Ambassador said President Wilson wished him to make a personal report on the conditions in Mexico.
    Nelson O'Shaughnessy, Secretary of the embassy, will be left in charge.