Political Talks Tire Roosevelt.

New York Times 100 years ago today, October 20, 1912:
Doctors Enjoin Absolute Rest When He Shows Fatigue After Seeing Johnson and Heney.
JOHNSON ARGUES WITH HIM
Wants to Sacrifice Governorship and Colonel Doesn't Agree — Heney Gives Out Trust Plan.
NEW YORK SPEECH POSSIBLE
Colonel Will Start for Oyster Bay Tomorrow if Improvement Continues — His Friends Think Schrank Sane.
Col. Roosevelt's Condition.
    CHICAGO, Oct. 19.— The following official bulletin on Col. Roosevelt's condition was issued at the Mercy Hospital at 6:45 P.M.:
    Pulse, 84; temperature, 98.4; respiration, 18. To-night Col. Roosevelt is fatigued from having undertaken to respond to some of the importunities of his friends. While he has to-day probably passed the crisis he is not altogether beyond the range of danger. It is only by continued care and absolute rest, which we have to-night strictly ordered, that the favorable progress which his case has been making can be maintained. The swelling in the chest has diminished; the infiltration is less; but the possibilities of infection are not yet past. The difficulty is to make him appreciate that while his general physical vigor appears good a sufficient time has not elapsed for repair of such a serious wound to take place.
        JOHN B. MURPHY,
        ARTHUR D. BEVAN,
        ALEXANDER LAMBERT,
        SCURRY L. TERRELL.

Special to The New York Times.
    CHICAGO, Oct. 19.— Col. Theodore Roosevelt attempted to-day to take active charge of the Progressive campaign, and the result was proof to his family and physicians, if not to him, that he was in no condition to assume the burden. After a favorable day, in which the attending physicians had not seen any reason to issue bulletins of his condition, they put out one this evening, which showed that they had found it necessary to restrain their patient. They declared that while the crisis was probably past, he had been fatigued from having undertaken to respond to the importunities of some of his friends; that they had strictly ordered absolute rest, and that the possibilities of infection from his wound were not past.
    Mrs. Roosevelt's sway was relaxed, because of the Colonel's insistence, for two important political conferences. One was with Gov. Hiram A. Johnson, with whom he had a vigorous argument over the conduct of the campaign. The other was with Francis J. Heney. They discussed the Colonel's programme for the control of trusts and drafted a long statement. Several other persons were admitted to see the patient, and the effect was to excite his nerves and tax his strength.
    According to present plans, Col. Roosevelt is to leave Monday morning for his home at Oyster Bay. The decision that he might do so was reached by the physicians this morning, but they declared that he must be quiet meanwhile.

Must Have No Conferences To-day.
    That Col. Roosevelt must rest all day to-morrow if he was to take the journey was the decision reached to-night by the surgeons who met in consultation in his rooms. Dr. John B. Murphy, chief of the surgeons, declared as he left the Colonel's rooms that the patient was going under stricter discipline to-morrow than he had yet experienced during his stay in this hospital.
    "The Colonel is going to be made to understand that his going to New York Monday depends on his resting in perfect quiet all day Sunday," said Dr. Murphy. "There are going to be no callers; there will be no political or business conference. The day must be one of complete repose or we cannot sanction any railroad trip the first of next week. Our patient needs all his strength to repair the damage done to his body. While lying in bed he has felt so well generally that he has not realized what a task is laid upon his system, and in consequence he has been ready — too ready — to meet the demands which his friends and acquaintances have made on him. There has been a tendency on his part to overdo it all the time, and this must stop until he is more nearly recovered. Otherwise, and this will be put squarely up to the Colonel, it will not be safe for him to try to go to New York Monday."
    How this will affect a scheduled further conference with Gov. Johnson, of California, which was to take place tomorrow morning, is something that remains to be seen when the surgeons' ruling is laid before Col. Roosevelt.
    The condition of the patient is the most important matter in sight, the surgeons insist, and they admit that it is not what it might have been had he been careful from the start. That this is not an alarmist statement of his present condition, however, equally is insisted on. It merely means that the Colonel is weak from his wound, despite his great strength and his reserves of vitality, far in excess of those of the average man. He has seen callers, talked, discussed books, laughed, sat up, and in other ways given rein to his energies, and the medical men say that this has been allowed to go too far, and that now it must stop entirely.
    Danger of infection, the surgeons say, practically is over as is the case with danger form lockjaw, but the Colonel has a slanting wound in his chest seven inches long in immediate proximity to his vital organs, and the healing of this wound and the reuniting of the parted tissues is a task the magnitude of which he has not appreciated.
    The Colonel's clinical records during the last two days have shown a preponderance of slightly sub-normal temperatures, indicating a slight degree of weakness and ready response of temperature to slight influences. He has been permitted to sit up for only a few short spells, wrapped in a bathrobe.
    "I feel quite tired," Col. Roosevelt said to his nurse as she left him for the night. "I think I saw too many people to-day. I will be glad to sleep. I need it."
    The Colonel took up a book, saying he would read a few minutes and then go to sleep for the night.

Stubborn Argument with Johnson.
    Col. Roosevelt and Gov. Hiram W. Johnson, the candidates on the Bull Moose ticket for President and Vice President, indulged in a battle royal at the Mercy Hospital to-day. The fight was over the question whether Gov. Johnson should sacrifice himself for Col. Roosevelt or not. Gov. Johnson took the affirmative and Col. Roosevelt the negative. They are both stubborn, and the result was a drawn battle. It looks, however, as though Gov. Johnson would win in the end.
    The proposition was just this: The California law prescribes that in case the Governor stays out of the State for sixty days his office shall he vacated and the lieutenant Governor shall succeed him. Now Gov. Johnson has been campaigning for almost sixty days, and the period is up on Oct. 25. If he isn't back in California by that time he will lose his office, in which he has still two years to serve.
    Progressives in California have been telegraphing Gov. Johnson frantically to come back. He declares he won't do it. Says he: "If the Colonel hadn't been shot I'd oblige. But that assassin in Milwaukee changed the whole face of the situation. He left the Progressive cause without a responsible leader in the East. Since the Colonel has taken the count it is up to me to go there and appear as the Progressive leader, and I don't care whether it costs me my two years' job as Governor or not."
    It is not to be inferred that the Governor used this rough language for publication. The words do, however, represent quite accurately his state of mind.

Mrs. Roosevelt Stops Discussion.
    Col. Roosevelt can not see the reason for such an attitude. His view is that Gov. Johnson, in the two years in question can render real service to the people of California and can carry into effect the progressive policies even if he isn't elected Vice President. So the Colonel was wroth when he heard about Gov. Johnson's intention to stay East and let the California Governorship go where it would. He sent for Gov. Johnson and they discussed the thing in the Mercy Hospital for half an hour. Mrs. Roosevelt would not let the dispute last a minute longer though both the Colonel and the Governor were right in the midst of the argument when she loomed in and raised her warning finger. The Governor tried to go on, but she signaled to Policeman Tomney, who would go through fire and water for her, and the Governor reached for his hat.
    He will make a statement to-morrow, but it is dollars to doughnuts he will stick to his original resolve. Col. Roosevelt apparently failed to move him a bit. The Governor is not proud of himself, but he does believe that the campaign in the East requires a leader, and he knows that Col. Roosevelt cannot lead at present. For that reason he is perfectly prepared, and, in fact, highly willing to sacrifice himself.
    Col. Roosevelt disagrees with him on two propositions. First, he thinks Gov. Johnson's services to the people of California are too valuable to be thrown away in this unceremonious fashion, and second, he thinks he himself can lead the Progressive campaign, as to which his doctors disagree with him. He is planning now to speak at Madison Square on Oct. 30, bullet or no bullet. The doctors throw up their hands in despair when he mentions it, but the Colonel simply grins and announces that he is going to do it. The betting now is ten to one that he will.
    Col. Roosevelt also had a long conference with Francis J. Heney of San Francisco, and authorized a statement for publication on his attitude on the Industrial Commission which he proposes to control the trust situation in America. His announcement is a reply to writings of Louis Brandeis and speeches of Gov. Wilson, in which Col. Roosevelt has been accused of "endeavoring to legalize monopoly" by a commission "which would have police power to say to a favored corporation, 'You are legal,' and to an unfavored corporation, 'You are illegal.' "
    "This absolutely is not my position," said Col. Roosevelt in his statement, as given out by Mr. Heney. "In fact, it is as near the antithesis of my position as any declaration well could be.
    "I explained in part my position in my Milwaukee speech, when I said in effect that the idea I had was that there be passed new laws or that the Sherman Anti-Trust act should be amended in such a way that there would be a definition of what was wrong, eliminating the 'rule of reason' feature; that there should be this commission which would have the power to 'sit in' on the company's books and business, and should have the right to bring about obedience to the law when infractions were found.
    "I had not made this explanation before because I did not realize that the statements referred to, directed against my position, had brought about any effect on the public mind; they seemed so apparently not my position. I have been informed, however, that my position is not clear to all, so I will define it.

Nothing Left to Guesswork.
    "I am in favor of new laws or of the amendment of the Sherman law to provide such supervision as is contained in the La Folletit-Lenroot amendments. I would provide in the statute provisions which said 'this thing is wrong' or 'that thing is wrong'; I would not have left to the guess or judgment of any man or men the determination of what was wrong or right, or 'reasonably wrong' or 'reasonably right.'
    "If, for instance, a corporation should be found crushing out competition by refusing to sell when the patron bought of competitors, or by underselling in districts, or in the dozen of other ways that Congress should learn were being practiced and should say were illegal, I would have the statute say point blank, with no loophole for escape, that the corporation was guilty.
    "I would have the commission enforce the law much as the Inter-State Commerce commission enforces the railroad rate and rebate laws, with power to see that the statute was obeyed. I would have the commission empowered to put men on the books of a corporation whose acts were questioned, so that the responsibility of that corporation and its methods of conducting business would be at all times within the view of those whose duty it is to enforce the law.
    "I find I am accused of wanting to give the commission the power to fix prices. I do not want now to provide that. I fancy the commission would be so busy for a time in enforcing laws that it would not want to concern itself with prices.
    "In short — and urging that the widest publicity be priven my Milwaukee speech in which I defined "this thing — I would have Congress provide a law on its books that would define what was wrong, so that a corporation would know before engaging in any act whether it was or not violating the law. Then I would provide this industrial commission with funds and power to put men on the books of the corporation so the Government would know whether the law was violated, and the further power to compel corporations to observe the law.
    "This would put corporations under as complete control as the railroad situation is to-day. The Railroad Commission, by its power to do the things I suggest for the Industrial Commission, practically has eliminated rebating and other ills of railroading. The commission would have as wholesome effect on corporate business."
    Mr. Heney added an explanation of one feature of the proposed amendments to the Sherman Anti-Trust art of which he was the author, and which he said Col. Roosevelt fully approved. He explained:
    "Under the present plan, when the law allows an individual to recover triple damages for injury by a monopoly, it is 'up to' the individual to prove the whole case. How absurd in, say, the case of the Standard Oil Company, which cost the Government several million dollars. My plan is this: When the Government obtains a judgment against the corporation a certified copy of that judgment shall be admitted as evidence in an individual's suit for recovery, and it shall be conclusive proof that the accusations contained in the original suit by the Government were proved. The individual then would have to prove only that he was damaged by the acts declared proved and how much he was damaged."
    Mr. Heney, after calling on Col. Roosevelt. explained his conception of the condition and merited punishment of John Schrank, Roosevelt's assailant.
    "I think it is a mistake," he said. "for people to cause wide publication of conjectures and opinions that Schrank is insane, and hence not responsible and punishable. Such publications offer to others who plan similar outrages an encouragement to go through with them in the opinion that they will escape responsibility. I feel certain Schrank is sane, and I certainly feel he is responsible."

Other Callers Are Admitted.
    Several other callers were admitted to Col. Roosevelt's apartment for brief chats during the forenoon. Among them were Patrick Morrissey, the labor leader; J. J. Hanihan, Grand Master of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers und Firemen; M. Larson, General Chairman of the Burlington System, who brought a resolution adopted by employes of the Burlington, the Chicago, Rock Island & Pacific, and the Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul roads, extending congratulations and a promise to aid his campaign. Col. Roosevelt told Mr. Larson to thank them and tell them that with such help as theirs, his campaign would be successful.
    Others who called were O. K. Davis, Secretary of the Progressive National Committee; John T. McCutcheon, the cartoonist, who followed Col. Roosevelt through Africa, and who is a warm friend, and "Jack" Hayes of Missoula, Mon., a ranch friend.
    "Battling" Nelson, the prizefighter, came from Missouri. He did not ask to see the Colonel, saying he understood that it was more important for him to rest than to talk.
    "I just came to pay my respects," he said. "Tell him I'm for him, and I'm on the job."
    The gentle out uncompromising rule of his wife was all that kept Col. Roosevelt in an approximately calm condition. With the time of his departure for New York decided and with the assurance of his physicians that he was just about out of danger, he chafed at all restraints, and sniffed at the crisp Autumn air from his window as eagerly as a boy who is kept in after school.
    It was decided with as much definiteness as is possible under the circumstances that Col. Roosevelt should deliver one speech toward the close of the campaign. It is planned for Madison Square Garden in New York on Oct. 30. The Colonel was told that if he would exercise prudence in the meantime he would be in condition to make it. He was told that he must keep as quiet as possible so that the rib ends might knit, and if he did not heed the warning he might find himself unable to take any part in the campaign.
    The Colonel sighed and said he would try. He is anxious to deliver an address in Massachusetts, at least one in Pennsylvania, and another at some point in New York State, in addition to the speech to be delivered in Madison Square Garden. It is unlikely that he will be able to undertake such a task,

Pleased Over Homegoing.
    When the physicians gave the word that he might start for Oyster Bay on Monday he declared the news to be the best he had received since he was assured the wound would not be fatal.
    "It has been very tedious waiting here," he told the physicians, "in spite of the fact that you gentlemen and the Sisters of Mercy have provided for me in a royal way. It is no fault of the care and attention I have had, that's certain, but, as you know, this is just the height of the campaign, and every day lost means a golden opportunity of calling new attention to our cause gone beyond recall."
    "Now, mother," he said, addressing Mrs. Roosevelt, " I'll be pretty good while I'm here, so that there won't be any reason for delaying our start home. Of course, I can't help being impatient, but I'll do as you say now with as little protest as possible."
    Preparations for the start began at once. Theodore Roosevelt. Jr., obtained from his parents the general instructions as to the departure, and arranged with members of the Progressive Party in Chicago to look to train arrangements.
    The Colonel was told to-day that an orderly named Aloysius Moravec, who had been in the hospital for twenty years, and who had wheeled him in when he came to the place, wanted to see him. Despite Mrs. Roosevelt's protest the Colonel insisted on seeing Moravec. The big fellow came in with his eyes full of tears, and all he could do was to blurt out:
    "Everybody loves you, Colonel."
    The Colonel, with that genial grin of his, pointed to the place where Schrank's bullet had hit him and said:
    "Not everybody, or I wouldn't have got this."
    The big orderly struggled with his tears, swallowed, and then burst out desperately:
    "Anyhow, all the good people love you," and fled, with tears in his eyes.
    It is a fact that the Colonel has endeared himself greatly to the hospital staff chiefly by his consideration for them and his utter lack of thought for himself. What has chiefly worried him has been not his wound, but the fear that Lyon or Martin or McGrath or Miss Welter or Tomney or somebody would work too hard in taking care of him.
    He was a good patient to-day, as Miss Blanche Welter, the day nurse, assured The New York Times correspondent. In fact, he has been a good patient right along.
    "I never had a better one," said Miss Welter. "You know, you often get patients that try a nurse's nerves. But he is the most thoughtful, considerate, and unselfish man I ever had to take care of. He thinks of everybody except himself. Please don't print this, but he's an exception in the way of hospital patients."
    Mrs. Roosevelt, Miss Roosevelt, and Mrs. Nicholas Longworth called to-day with an armful of flowers on Miss Ernestine Kandel, the young nurse who, just having undergone an operation for appendicitis and having been put in Room 314, gave it up so that Col. Roosevelt might have several rooms. They thanked Miss Kandel and left as a souvenir a note scribbled on a card by Col. Roosevelt reading:
    "I hope you are able to get out of the hospital as soon as the patient occupying the room you gave up to him."
    Col. Roosevelt sent for Miss Josephine Thomas, senior nurse on the floor, and thanked her for the care her assistants had given him. He presented to her a large bunch of roses.
    The patients on the third floor of the hospital, on which is Col. Roosevelt's room, to-day took up a collection and purchased a basket oí flowers. Each patient attached a card with a message to the Colonel. Mrs. Roosevelt and Miss Roosevelt went through the wards and thanked the patients.

Do Not Believe Schrank Is Insane.
    There has been a good deal of discussion to-day among the Roosevelt party of the mental condition of Schrank, the would-be assassin. The party includes some seasoned politicians, and all of them are men of the world. The opinion among them is unanimous that Schrank is not crazy. Their view may be summed up in what one of the most experienced members, and a physician as well, said to The Times's correspondent.
    "Schrank is not crazy," he said, "except in the sense that many men are a little bit off — men that you will meet in cafes, restaurants and on the street, and pass laughingly by as perhaps somewhat eccentric. Take that statement of his in Milwaukee. It is a perfectly clear and reasonable argument against a third term, and shows no mark of insanity. The only reasons for charging Schrank with insanity are that he believes in dreams and that his explanation of his reason for the assassination was not well worded.
    "Now, lots of intelligent people believe in dreams. One of the members of this very party tells me that his wife, who is a college graduate, believes in them and she is as sane a woman as I ever knew.
    "Schrank's explanation of his reasons for shooting the Colonel was not well worded, but it was as well put as an ignorant foreigner who, by his own confession had never been to a high school, could say it; and it was a mighty good paraphrase of what he had read in the editorial columns of the two newspapers that he said he had read.
    "An attempt has been made to prove his insanity by his reference to the suicide of Gen. Nogi. To anybody who will read that statement with unprejudiced eyes that will appear one of the clearest evidences of his sanity. Allowing for the difficulties in the way of an uneducated foreigner trying to express himself in the English language you can see that what he meant was this: That, in spite of the reforms instituted in Japan, the old tradition still held strong enough to bind the new Japan after 2,000 years, and that America ought to stand by the third-term tradition of only a hundred years. It was a perfectly logical train of thought, though of course the man was wrong. "He is as sane as any of us, except for that queer quirk in the brain which makes a man mad for newspaper notoriety. He showed his sanity when he told how he had a perfectly good chance to shoot Roosevelt in Chicago, and did not avail himself of it Why? Because in Illinois there is the death penalty for murder, while in Wisconsin nothing but imprisonment can be inflicted, and the maximum penalty for attempted murder is fifteen years. Insane? Certainly he's not insane. He's a man bitten with a desire for notoriety, and reading his two favorite newspapers had shown him where he could get the best vent for his desire."