Balkan War Threatens Germany's "Push To The East."

New York Times 100 years ago today, December 8, 1912:
Behind the Warring Powers Is a Mighty Clash Between Pan-Germanism and Pan-Slavism, with the German Dream of Vast Empire Hanging in the Balance — Interests of the Various Nations.
By Edwin Robbins.
    The Eastern Question is the name given to a battle-royal of diplomacy waged for more than a century between Russia's attempt to gain a much-needed access to a southern sea and Europe's efforts to check this advance. Although Russia occupies one-sixth of the land surface of the globe, it cannot claim possession to a single mile of ice-free coast. A hundred years ago France, in the person of Napoleon, was Russia's opponent. Fifty years ago the problem of curbing the ambition of the Czar's Ministers devolved upon British statesman. To-day the struggle goes on more tenaciously than ever between Russia and Germany.
    The present status of affairs may be summed up: Lurking behind the aims of each of the warring Balkan allies, two mighty world powers are facing each other, ready to clash at the slightest provocation. It is the might of Pan-Germanism pitted against the colossus of Pan-Slavism, or the contest between the Teutonic and Slavic races. Germany and the German-speaking element on the one hand; Russia and the Slavic kingdoms on the other.
    Within the past few weeks this rivalry has broken out sharply again over the aspiration of the Servians to obtain access to the Adriatic Sea and the hostile attitude of the Austrians toward this scheme of expansion. Two factors influence Austrian tendencies in this instance. The first lies in the fact that German influence has the ascendant over any other at Vienna. The second is due to the unwillingness of the Germans to have the overland highway leading to Asia controlled entirely by the Slavic race, which would naturally gravitate under the sphere of Russian influence.
    To Germans the course of empire takes its way in an easterly trend. It is the "Drang nach Osten" of German imperialism that is imperiled by any attempt on the part of Servians to reach the Adriatic Sea. Hence, the threats that are uttered at Vienna are mere echoes of the alarm felt in Berlin.

Germany's Dream of Empire.
    To counterbalance Russian schemes of expansion, the methodically active minds of the alert officials who hold sway at the Wilhelmstrasse have devised a dream of empire that dangles before their fascinated sight. It is a magnificent vision of imperial might in store for their country: a vision the realization of which will render Berlin the seat of a mightier power than it can even now claim to be; a conception which is intended ultimately to become material in the creation of a modernized Holy Roman Empire extending uninterruptedly from the icebound shores of the Baltic Sea to the vapor-laden coast of the Persian Gulf. Its widely separated borders will eventually encompass the mysterious woodlands of Austria's lofty ranges as well as the verdant vales that extend smilingly over the ancient land of Macedon and Thrace. Beyond and still in the wake of the same irresistible onsweep in the direction of the Orient, the historic straits of the Bosphorus are to be crossed, and the promising areas of Asia Minor, teeming as they are now known to be in natural resources, will be attained. Thence, ever toward the dawning sun access will be had to the fertile Mesopotamian basin, which bids fair, thanks to vast irrigation projects, to offer anew the products of its reclaimed fields in quantities exceeding the abundance to which it has owed its surname in the past of the Granary of the World. Finally, the sunlit seas oí the Indian Ocean will be made to wash the southernmost coast of this eventual German empire.
    Needless to state that economic factors lie back of this scheme. It is this modern phase of the Eastern Question which affects German interests mainly. As long as the Turks held European Turkey the Teuton's only need consisted in securing sufficient influence at Constantinople in order to derive the greatest possible advantage from the matchless geographical situation of the Turkish Empire, The Germans, who are even better business men than they are soldiers, realized how imperatively they required control over the most convenient route between their overproducing home factories and the populous markets of western Asia, There, still strongly imbued with the deepest reverence for the mysteries of a past hoary with age, dwell countless Asiatics, whose slowly awakening selfconsciousness is becoming more and more manifest by their growing purchase of occidental products of manufacture.
    The population of this territory is variously estimated at between four and five hundred million inhabitants representing one half of the population of the entire Asiatic continent. India with its hundred of millions of dusky natives, the Russian Asiatic provinces in which factories or manufactured products are yet unknown, the independent or semi-independent States of Central Asia, such as Afghanistan, Beluchistan, Kashmir, Nepaul, and last, but not least, the western parts of the huge Chinese Empire — all these inhabited areas represent to German export managers so many acres of the world's surface over which German goods should be scattered broadcast. For the furtherance of this vast business project control of the highway between the site of production and the market of consumption is deemed as imperative as in much more restricted areas within the boundaries of any industrial country.
    Unfortunately, however, for the Germans, the victories of the Balkan allies appear now to have frustrated in part the patient efforts of years on the part of German statesmen. With the exception of the Greeks, all the Christians participating in the Balkan war are Slavs. Their gain may redound to Russia's ultimate benefit. It is likely to become Germany's loss. Should Turkey in Europe be parceled out among the four allied countries, Germany's advance to the East will have received a serious setback. The annexation of the two Slavic provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria will have been amply avenged by the Russians.

The Bulgarian Problem.
    The most adequate conception of the Bulgarian phase of the Eastern question requires that a distinction be made between geographical Bulgaria, that is, Bulgaria defined by its natural limits, and political Bulgaria, or Bulgaria as carved out on the map by the good will of the European powers. The second is now only part of the first. The Bulgarian's great aim is to incorporate both under one rule.
    Geographical Bulgaria comprises a large tract of the Balkan peninsula peopled by Bulgarians. The Danube is its natural northern boundary. To the west this region abuts against the Albanian highlands and the Pindus mountains. Its southern frontier lies on the Aegean coast. Its easterly spread is marked by a line drawn from the seaport of Dedeaghatch, through the plains and hills over which the Bulgarian army has recently acquired distinction, up to the harbor of Bourgas on the Black Sea.
    Before the present war began, the Turkish province of Macedonia was the most important Bulgarian territory of which the country had been deprived by the Treaty of Berlin in 1878. The Macedonians are Bulgarians. Many Greeks and Servians, however, inhabit their soil. It is not unlikely, therefore, that this region will be allotted to the kingdom of the leading fighters when the spoils of the war will be divided among the victors.
    The country may be divided into two natural sub-regions. Northern Bulgaria includes the region between the Danube and the Balkans. Its climate is cold. Its sky is almost always foggy. Eastern Roumelia or Southern Bulgaria, on the other hand, has been endowed with a temperate climate. As one emerges on a Spring day from the foothills of the Balkans on to the plains below the light, breezes suddenly become fragrant with the scent of roses adorning thousands of bushes. These flowers are grown by the natives who are engaged in preparing one of the best known perfumes of the Orient. The leaf of the flower is also used in the preparation of a delicious rose-jam for which the region is famous. Every square mile of this southern region has a glorious history, which, often dates back to the earliest periods of Greek civilization.
    The Bulgarians have a proverb which says: "The Bulgarian hunts and catches his hare on an oxcart." The saying depicts them thoroughly. They are a nation of farmer-soldiers. They have all the failings of a peasant, but they also have his qualities. Mentally and physically they are a strong race. The vices which prevail in more advanced countries do not taint their customs. They are totally devoid of artistic sense, but they know how to toil. Furthermore, they are very thrifty, even to the extent of being avaricious. They have always had the reputation of being ambitious, and their ambition reveals itself in their efforts to surpass the other Balkan States in every respect. Any foreigner who has visited their country knows how they have worked systematically to develop their nation's latent power. The results of their efforts are now the talk of the whole world. That they have a great future in store cannot be doubted.

King Ferdinand's Accomplishments.
    By a strange anomaly of fate these Bulgarians, who are also very democratic, are ruled by a very aristocratic sovereign. Ferdinand, whose name has been mentioned as the possible head of a Balkan confederation, is related to Europe's most ancient reigning families. Through his father, Leopold of Coburg, he is a member of the ancient Hapsburg dynasty. Through his mother, Princess Clementine, the daughter of King Louis Philippe of France, he is both a Bourbon and an Orleans. A glance at his face reveals the famous curve which outlines every Bourbon nose. He is exceedingly cultured. Those who know him intimately claim that he has an artist's soul. He is known to art dealers as an enthusiastic collector of paintings, statues, and rare bindings. His collections are the finest in Sofia, beside enjoying no mean reputation in Europe.
    The King takes a keen interest in natural sciences and has a certain foible in desiring to be known as a scientist. It is stated that a compliment bestowed on him by a university professor pleases him better than that from an ambassador. He adores music and understands it. He is possessed with a veritable mania for heavy perfumes by which his presence is invariably detected within the precincts of his palace.
    As a statesman, Ferdinand has had no equal in the country since Bulgaria's independence became accomplished. Not a little of Bulgaria's progress is due to his own immeasurable ambition. His artistic temperament knows how to don a cold and calculating shroud when required. It cannot be said that he is liked by the Bulgarians. They desire him as their ruler however, in preference to any one else, simply because their common sense enables them to understand that they need him. Neither can it be asserted that he loves them. Nevertheless he has always shown the highest regard for their sound qualities. "You see my Bulgarians," he once told a foreigner who had been fortunate enough to get an audience from him, "aren't they intelligent?" The phrase explains why he has been successful among them. Withal he has always very tactfully held them at a distance. Seeing him always so reserved and formal, even somewhat inclined to be haughty, the Bulgarians have realized that he was "somebody." They have learned at the same time that he has identified himself heart and soul with their best interests.
    The story of his accession to the throne shows how great destinies may follow in the wake of the most trivial incidents. In 1887 Prince Alexander I., the then reigning Bulgarian monarch, was deposed by his subjects at what has been thought by some to have been Russian intrigue. The choice of a new ruler imposed itself on the provisional executives. A committee of prominent Bulgarians was sent to Europe to select a suitable Prince. Then Teutonic and Slavic rivalry began to wage high in a lively contest. St. Petersburg and Vienna vied in efforts to have their respective nominees appointed. At that time the Bulgarians were reputed to be the coarsest race in Europe. The fact that they had dethroned Alexander I., who was a generous and capable Prince, had placed them in an altogether unsavory light in the eyes of the world. In vain did the committeemen knock at various doors.
    The most desirable Princes saw little lure in the prospect of residence in Sofia, where an outbreak of popular hatred might abruptly terminate their rule. Undesirable scions of royal issue alone were left for selection. It was now to these participants of the gay life led in European capitals that the Bulgarian envoys were forced to offer a throne. Even then a thousand complications arose each time they succeeded in laying hands on the person of a half-reluctant petty Prince. Finally with the net of diplomatic intrigue woven fast around them they realised that they had failed in their mission and decided to return empty-handed before their electors.
    On the eve of their departure they were the guests at a farewell party in a box at the Opera in Paris. Ferdinand, then known as Prince Ferdinand of Coburg, was attending the evening's performance as was his wont. By a stroke of inexplicable luck, the stray glance of one of the Bulgarians detected him as he sat in his own box. Perhaps it was the attempt of despair, at any rate the Balkan's envoy's fancy was caught, and he immediately inquired of those present who the smart-looking Prince was. The request elicited the information that Ferdinand, who was then only 26 years old, combined in his personality all the desiderata sought. The deputation there and then repaired in a body to his box and laid their plea before him.
    The necessary negotiations were thereupon undertaken. The only hitch that might have marred the proceedings was reported to have been due to the fact that the future Bulgarian ruler had not sown all his wild oats at that period of his life. Fortunately, however, all difficulties were smoothed, and, although the approval of the European Governments failed to forth-come, the now highly delighted Bulgarians returned to Sofia with their new sovereign in tow. No happier choice could have been made. Ferdinand's ambition, combined to his subjects' sturdiness of character, have undoubtedly made of Bulgaria the leading nation of the Balkans.
    Of all the Balkan states, Servia is the only one that has had no access to the sea. Until within a few years ago the country was economically dependent on Austria. The Austrians sold their goods to the Servians and bought the latter's agricultural products. Today Servia's commercial activity is directed toward the south, as none of its former trade with Bosnia and the Dalmatian coast subsists. It has the reputation of being the greatest cattle country in the Balkans. Oxen and sheep are marketed in the warmer regions of Turkey, Greece, and the other Mediterranean countries where the warm climate prevents growth of grass suitable for pasture.
    To Servia the Eastern Question is linked to dreams of restoration of Old Servia. The widest territorial extension of the race occurred in the middle of the fourteenth century in the reign of Stefan Dushan, the national hero. At that time Servia comprised besides its present territory all of Montenegro and Albania, including the Adriatic coast, Macedonia exclusive of the Chalcydic Peninsula, Epirus, and Thessaly. To this day the inhabitants of these various regions understand each other's dialects. The aim of all is to form part of the same nation.

Greeks Long for Constantinople.
    The Greek view of the Eastern Question is resumed in the ardent desire of every modern Helene to behold Constantinople as his capital even as it was before it fell into the hands of the Turks. The patriotic wish of uniting all Greek-speaking communities scattered in the Levant under the rule of the King of Greece does not perhaps prevail as keenly in Greek bosoms as the sentimental aspirations which direct their longing eyes toward modern Byzantium. The majority of them are firm believers in the realization of this traditional hope, which finds concrete expression in the prayers offered in their churches for the restoration of the Cross on the dome of the famous Byzantine sanctuary of St. Sophia.
    Many legends relating to the eventual occurrence of this event are told in the silent watches of Winter nights or on balmy Summer evening's under Greek skies. One that is perhaps the best known is often heard in Constantinople provided no Turk is within ear-shot. According to this tradition a Greek fisherman was calmly frying his day's catch on the shores of the Bosporus at the very moment when the conquering Mussulmans had succeeded in capturing Byzantium. A neighboring co-religionist rushing up to him imparted the sad news of the city's fall. The fisherman refused to give credence to the fact, stating that he would as lief believe that his now half-fried fish could jump into the sea. He had hardly uttered his speech when to his amazement the fishes actually leaped out of the pan and disappeared beneath the waters. To this day the superstitions Greek fisherman hauling his net will carefully scan his catch in the hope that the presence of a fish fried on only one side will indicate the speedy restoration of the famous edifice to Christian worship.
    The more practical minded among the Greeks are content to aspire only to the annexation of all the islands of the Aegean Archipelago to their mother country. The population of these islands consists mainly of Greeks. Each patch of land rising out of the sea has a history which is linked to the glory of classic times by a host of associations. From Crete in the Mediterranean to Thasos in full view of the Macedonian Coast, the islanders themselves are anxiously awaiting the end of Turkish rule. Here as elsewhere in Europe the Turk has not taken root on a soil that was too alien for him. He has been content to squat placidly and await the end which the decree of Allah had in store for him.

England's Sphere of Influence.
    Great Britain's interest in the Near East has dwindled considerably in the present century through the birth of more pressing claims in the Middle East and the growth of an antagonist more formidable than Russia nearer home. British and Russian interests in the Levant which diverged so considerable a generation ago have now become reconciled in the presence of a rival to both, England's need of a clear overland road to the East is almost as imperative as Germany's. Before the beginning of the Balkan War Teutonic influence in Turkey had forced British prestige to travel in a more southerly direction, so that while German influence now predominates along the Asia Minor route to the East, English authority is waxing stronger throughout Northern Arabia, where a short overland road may be made to connect the Mediterranean with the Persian Gulf.
    There are other factors that also come into play in British control on Arabian territory. The Arabs have always regarded the Sultan's assumption of the title of Caliph as a usurpation. They assert that the legitimate descendants of the Prophet's family reside in Mecca and, as such, are the only lawful heirs to the title. Outside of Turkey these views find considerable support among Mohammedans. It is generally assumed that the British Government covertly upholds these sentiments among its Moslem subjects who, accordingly, have turned their eyes to London for appeal against the Ottoman sovereign. They look forward to the establishment of the Caliphate at Mecca through England's support.
    The French have commercial interests at stake in the Near East. In their present rôle of bankers of the world their loans to Turkey have been considerable. Syria especially has always been looked upon as falling within the sphere of French influence. This has been the case ever since French soldiers were landed in the Balkans in 1859 for the purpose of maintaining order. With the French, as with the English, however, the necessity of curbing the Teuton's overwhelming growth receives far more serious consideration than the matter of checking Russia's westerly or southerly advance. Viewed in this light, the Triple Entente is only one of the various results of the phase assumed at present by the Eastern Question.
    Out of the clash of those manifold interests an extraordinarily complicated situation has arisen. "Let things stay as they are" had been Europe's verdict hitherto, and the Turks had been the beneficiaries of this inactivity. The hand of Europe has been forced now by the Balkan inhabitants over the corpses of about 100,000 of their men lying buried or unburied between the Adriatic and the Black Sea. Viewed through the screen of the victories won by the allies the outlook for German interests is much divested of the brilliancy which the unremitting efforts of diplomatists sent from Berlin had imparted. The problem now lying before the statesmen in Berlin and Vienna consists in forcing the establishment of a political regime in the captured provinces of European Turkey whereby Teutonic interests in a through route to Asia will be thoroughly safeguarded. How far this will cause a divergence from the less important ambitions of the Balkan Kingdoms supported by Russia remains to be seen. It is precisely in this conflict that the danger of a general European war is lurking.