New York Times 100 years ago today, July 30, 1912:
Mr. Sulzer and his associates now have a chance, it seems, of inducing the House of Representatives to heed the will of the country and do their duty by the navy. The members of the majority have now come over to the idea of building one new battleship this year. With a little more urging they will consent to two. Mr. Sulzer has ample support from all parts of the country, and he has few equals in Congress as an effective advocate, especially in the committee rooms and in private argument.
The willingness of the men who were determined to have no battleships built this year to compromise on one indicates that they have heard from their constituencies. The people want two battleships built. They want our navy kept up to its proper standard, to be a fit navy for the defense of our coasts east and west, of the Panama Canal, and our island possessions.
Tuesday, July 31, 2012
Race Question Worries Him.
New York Times 100 years ago today, July 31, 1912:
Colonel Dodges Issue When Negro Delegation Calls on Him.
Special to The New York Times.
OYSTER BAY, N. Y., July 30.— Col. Roosevelt spent the day in New York, but had few political visitors. He finally decided to-night to start for Chicago on Sunday and will make his first appearance at the convention of the Progressives next Monday afternoon, the day he is scheduled to place before the people his "declaration of faith."
The differences that have arisen- in some of the Southern States between the "lily white" faction and the negroes were brought prominently to the attention of Col. Roosevelt by a visit of a delegation of negroes who called at The Outlook office to find out just how he stood on the race question. Col. Roosevelt did not have a word to say except to talk kindly to the colored men. He said afterward that he had little or nothing to do with the selection of delegates to the Bull Moose Convention and in the Southern States that would be left to the men who signed the call for the convention.
During his primary campaign Col. Roosevelt made several addresses before audiences of colored men, and just what he will do now in this emergency ius a matter which is being carefully watched by his opponents. The question is one that is worrying the Colonel and his managers to no little extent, as they see the danger in it and want the Chicago Convention carried on without the race Question being made an issue in any form.
In speaking of the coming convention, Col. Roosevelt said:
"I have received many letters from all parts of the country suggesting that some regular old-line Democrat take a prominent part in our convention. Many of these letters have mentioned the name of John M. Parker of New Orleans. Senator Dixon has also received many letters suggesting that Mr. Parker be made temporary Chairman. I see absolutely no objection to this idea."
Another visitor received by Col. Roosevelt to-day was Congressman Warburton of Washington. He said to the Colonel that there was no misunderstanding the Roosevelt strength in the State of Washington. The Congressman would not make any definite comment upon the third party, but said that he would have a public statement to make upon the question in a few days.
Colonel Dodges Issue When Negro Delegation Calls on Him.
Special to The New York Times.
OYSTER BAY, N. Y., July 30.— Col. Roosevelt spent the day in New York, but had few political visitors. He finally decided to-night to start for Chicago on Sunday and will make his first appearance at the convention of the Progressives next Monday afternoon, the day he is scheduled to place before the people his "declaration of faith."
The differences that have arisen- in some of the Southern States between the "lily white" faction and the negroes were brought prominently to the attention of Col. Roosevelt by a visit of a delegation of negroes who called at The Outlook office to find out just how he stood on the race question. Col. Roosevelt did not have a word to say except to talk kindly to the colored men. He said afterward that he had little or nothing to do with the selection of delegates to the Bull Moose Convention and in the Southern States that would be left to the men who signed the call for the convention.
During his primary campaign Col. Roosevelt made several addresses before audiences of colored men, and just what he will do now in this emergency ius a matter which is being carefully watched by his opponents. The question is one that is worrying the Colonel and his managers to no little extent, as they see the danger in it and want the Chicago Convention carried on without the race Question being made an issue in any form.
In speaking of the coming convention, Col. Roosevelt said:
"I have received many letters from all parts of the country suggesting that some regular old-line Democrat take a prominent part in our convention. Many of these letters have mentioned the name of John M. Parker of New Orleans. Senator Dixon has also received many letters suggesting that Mr. Parker be made temporary Chairman. I see absolutely no objection to this idea."
Another visitor received by Col. Roosevelt to-day was Congressman Warburton of Washington. He said to the Colonel that there was no misunderstanding the Roosevelt strength in the State of Washington. The Congressman would not make any definite comment upon the third party, but said that he would have a public statement to make upon the question in a few days.
Angered By Goethals Story.
New York Times 100 years ago today, July 31, 1912:
WASHINGTON, July 30.— Great indignation was expressed on all sides among army officers and War Department officials to-day at the report cabled from Paris as coming from a newspaper correspondent at Panama to the effect that an intrigue was in progress with the object of Col. Goethals's removal from his position as Chief Engineer of the Panama Canal.
"You may say it as strongly as you please for me,'' said Secretary Stimson. "that there is not and never has been any foundation for such a statement. Col. Goethals is performing a most responsible duty in a manner that is satisfactory in the smallest detail. I have never heard a word about him since I have come here that was not in praise of his excellent service. Instead of being removed, I believe he will continue in the work at Panama until the project is fully completed, and that he will receive a distinctively great reward for his faithful and successful accomplishment of what he was set to do."
"There is not a word of truth in any such report," said Major Gen. Wood when the Paris report was called to his attention. "It is curious how such things Start. When I was Governor General of Cuba I had two or three such reports for breakfast every day. I used to wonder how they could be thought up. Col. Goethals has done his duty with singular fidelity, and it would be impossible to hear any suggestion here or anywhere in the army that he should be recalled and any one else put in his place. We all hope that he may enjoy good health and continue to the end of the work at Panama, and, in common with every one else, I expect that he will be splendidly rewarded for his services when the time comes for that."
WASHINGTON, July 30.— Great indignation was expressed on all sides among army officers and War Department officials to-day at the report cabled from Paris as coming from a newspaper correspondent at Panama to the effect that an intrigue was in progress with the object of Col. Goethals's removal from his position as Chief Engineer of the Panama Canal.
"You may say it as strongly as you please for me,'' said Secretary Stimson. "that there is not and never has been any foundation for such a statement. Col. Goethals is performing a most responsible duty in a manner that is satisfactory in the smallest detail. I have never heard a word about him since I have come here that was not in praise of his excellent service. Instead of being removed, I believe he will continue in the work at Panama until the project is fully completed, and that he will receive a distinctively great reward for his faithful and successful accomplishment of what he was set to do."
"There is not a word of truth in any such report," said Major Gen. Wood when the Paris report was called to his attention. "It is curious how such things Start. When I was Governor General of Cuba I had two or three such reports for breakfast every day. I used to wonder how they could be thought up. Col. Goethals has done his duty with singular fidelity, and it would be impossible to hear any suggestion here or anywhere in the army that he should be recalled and any one else put in his place. We all hope that he may enjoy good health and continue to the end of the work at Panama, and, in common with every one else, I expect that he will be splendidly rewarded for his services when the time comes for that."
New Monroe Doctrine Plan.
New York Times 100 years ago today, July 31, 1912:
Senators Proposed Restriction, Which Would Affect Japanese.
Special to The New York Times.
WASHINGTON, July 30.— Although all fear of Japanese aggression at Magdalena Bay is past, a sub-committee of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations decided to-day to take steps against the occupation of any important harbor in the Western hemisphere by any persons who might in the end turn it over to a foreign power.
A resolution, which has been considered by Senators Lodge, Root, Hitchcock, and Rayner, will be reported to a full committee on Thursday, recommending an extension of the Monroe Doctrine which would make impossible such incidents as the recent furore over alleged Japanese designs.
Mr. Lodge, who was seriously alarmed by the reports that Japan sought to gain a hold on Magdalena Bay, introduced a resolution several months ago directing the committee to take up the matter. To-day's action by the sub-committee is the result.
Mr. Lodge was of the opinion then and still believer that the fishing concessions granted to a Japanese syndicate on the coast north and south of Magdalena Bay and extending inland for fifteen miles was not altogether designed for catching fish. His idea was that the syndicate would be used as a screen, behind which on the desert coast concealed batteries could be erected and the harbor put in a condition of defense. Then when the time came that Japan should decide to go to war with the United States the innocent looking colonists at the bay would simply don their uniforms, man their guns, and run up the flag of the rising sun.
The military authorities agree that Magdalena Bay, if fortified, would be of tremendous military importance to Japan as a base of operations against our Pacific Coast.
Mr. Lodge favors a resolution on the subject which shall be unmistakable in its reference to the Magdalena Bay incident. Senator Root urges more diplomatic language, which will cover all such concessions and be not so pointed as to affront Japan. Mr. Hitchcock also favors the less definite language.
It is thought likely that a carefully phrased resolution will be presented by the full committee to the Senate, where it will be adopted with practically no opposition.
Senators Proposed Restriction, Which Would Affect Japanese.
Special to The New York Times.
WASHINGTON, July 30.— Although all fear of Japanese aggression at Magdalena Bay is past, a sub-committee of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations decided to-day to take steps against the occupation of any important harbor in the Western hemisphere by any persons who might in the end turn it over to a foreign power.
A resolution, which has been considered by Senators Lodge, Root, Hitchcock, and Rayner, will be reported to a full committee on Thursday, recommending an extension of the Monroe Doctrine which would make impossible such incidents as the recent furore over alleged Japanese designs.
Mr. Lodge, who was seriously alarmed by the reports that Japan sought to gain a hold on Magdalena Bay, introduced a resolution several months ago directing the committee to take up the matter. To-day's action by the sub-committee is the result.
Mr. Lodge was of the opinion then and still believer that the fishing concessions granted to a Japanese syndicate on the coast north and south of Magdalena Bay and extending inland for fifteen miles was not altogether designed for catching fish. His idea was that the syndicate would be used as a screen, behind which on the desert coast concealed batteries could be erected and the harbor put in a condition of defense. Then when the time came that Japan should decide to go to war with the United States the innocent looking colonists at the bay would simply don their uniforms, man their guns, and run up the flag of the rising sun.
The military authorities agree that Magdalena Bay, if fortified, would be of tremendous military importance to Japan as a base of operations against our Pacific Coast.
Mr. Lodge favors a resolution on the subject which shall be unmistakable in its reference to the Magdalena Bay incident. Senator Root urges more diplomatic language, which will cover all such concessions and be not so pointed as to affront Japan. Mr. Hitchcock also favors the less definite language.
It is thought likely that a carefully phrased resolution will be presented by the full committee to the Senate, where it will be adopted with practically no opposition.
Monday, July 30, 2012
Italians Shell Hodeida.
New York Times 100 years ago today, July 30, 1912:
Bombard One of the Forts, Which Was Apparently Deserted.
MASSOWA, Eritrea, July 20.— The squadron of Italian warships, consisting for the most part of cruisers and destroyers, which has been patroling the Red Sea since the beginning of operations against Turkey, to-day bombarded and destroyed the North fort of Hodeida, one of the principal seaports of Arabia on the Red Sea.
So far as is known there were no victims of the bombardment. It is thought that the fort was not manned, and it was armed only with a few old cannon.
The south fort of the town has been in ruins for some time.
Bombard One of the Forts, Which Was Apparently Deserted.
MASSOWA, Eritrea, July 20.— The squadron of Italian warships, consisting for the most part of cruisers and destroyers, which has been patroling the Red Sea since the beginning of operations against Turkey, to-day bombarded and destroyed the North fort of Hodeida, one of the principal seaports of Arabia on the Red Sea.
So far as is known there were no victims of the bombardment. It is thought that the fort was not manned, and it was armed only with a few old cannon.
The south fort of the town has been in ruins for some time.
Two Warships Required.
New York Times 100 years ago today, July 30, 1912:
One battleship this year is not enough. Yet many members of Congress who favor the building of at least two are hoping for nothing better than a compromise on one, as a result of the revolt in the majority against the rule of the caucus that no new ships should be built this year. The Navy bill will come up again in the House on Thursday, and by that time we hope that Mr. Sulzer and his associates who do not believe that the upbuilding of the navy should be hindered by partisan bias or personal pique will have made the issue plain to enough members to assure a vote in favor of two ships.
The Democrats who have voted against the building of the warships are true reactionaries, who, by reverting to the "early manner" of their party, in behaving after the manner of the donkey, have shown their lack of an intelligent appreciation of the situation. The position of the United States among the Powers has changed considerably since the Jackson epoch. We have larger duties to perform, we have acquired "possessions," we shall soon have the Panama Canal to protect. Our navy must not be permitted to decline. So far as we have been able to ascertain there are no two sound opinions on this matter among the people of the country. A few fanatical persons here and there would like to see both the Navy and the army abolished in the cause of Peace. But the only way to secure peace is to have the means of defense ever ready.
Two warships at least should be built every year until our navy is made strong enough to meet any emergency. The proposed compromise on one warship this year should not be accepted unless there is an agreement to build three in 1913-14.
One battleship this year is not enough. Yet many members of Congress who favor the building of at least two are hoping for nothing better than a compromise on one, as a result of the revolt in the majority against the rule of the caucus that no new ships should be built this year. The Navy bill will come up again in the House on Thursday, and by that time we hope that Mr. Sulzer and his associates who do not believe that the upbuilding of the navy should be hindered by partisan bias or personal pique will have made the issue plain to enough members to assure a vote in favor of two ships.
The Democrats who have voted against the building of the warships are true reactionaries, who, by reverting to the "early manner" of their party, in behaving after the manner of the donkey, have shown their lack of an intelligent appreciation of the situation. The position of the United States among the Powers has changed considerably since the Jackson epoch. We have larger duties to perform, we have acquired "possessions," we shall soon have the Panama Canal to protect. Our navy must not be permitted to decline. So far as we have been able to ascertain there are no two sound opinions on this matter among the people of the country. A few fanatical persons here and there would like to see both the Navy and the army abolished in the cause of Peace. But the only way to secure peace is to have the means of defense ever ready.
Two warships at least should be built every year until our navy is made strong enough to meet any emergency. The proposed compromise on one warship this year should not be accepted unless there is an agreement to build three in 1913-14.
The Dead Mikado.
New York Times 100 years ago today, July 30, 1912:
To write understandingly about the Emperor who lies dead in Tokio, one would be compelled to adopt the plan of Sarah Orne Jewett's clergyman in "The Minister's Opportunity." He was appointed to preach the funeral sermon of a very old man, and his discourse treated exclusively of the great events of his subject's lifetime. The reason, in this case, was that there was nothing good to say about the deceased. Much good, indeed, might be said about the Mikado. The world derived an idea that he was a ruler of uncommon sagacity and ability from the mere fact that reforms of so great purport were encouraged in his reign. He was born in Japan's dark ages. He had been his country's supreme ruler in the era of its modernization. His has been a remarkable reign; indeed, its like is scarcely to be found in history.
Japan, since he ascended the throne in his fifteenth year, has risen from a state vastly inferior to that of England in the War of the Roses to a position among the world's Powers. All that the enlightened West has had to teach Japan has learned while Mutsuhito has been its Mikado. But Mutsuhito's death will not put Japan on the backward path. It is the simple truth that the measure of his personal force has never been taken. He filled his role well, but he has been guarded from public observation, and regarded by his humbler subjects rather as a demigod than as a man.
He has, to be sure, been extolled as a great man. Only yesterday a Russian journalist compared him to Peter the Great. But the praise, after all, is due to what has been done in his reign, and no outsider can truthfully say just how much or how little the progress of Japan has been due to the wisdom of Mutuhito. The general idea is that Japan would have forged ahead under the rule of any Mikado, or half a dozen, in these last forty-five years.
To write understandingly about the Emperor who lies dead in Tokio, one would be compelled to adopt the plan of Sarah Orne Jewett's clergyman in "The Minister's Opportunity." He was appointed to preach the funeral sermon of a very old man, and his discourse treated exclusively of the great events of his subject's lifetime. The reason, in this case, was that there was nothing good to say about the deceased. Much good, indeed, might be said about the Mikado. The world derived an idea that he was a ruler of uncommon sagacity and ability from the mere fact that reforms of so great purport were encouraged in his reign. He was born in Japan's dark ages. He had been his country's supreme ruler in the era of its modernization. His has been a remarkable reign; indeed, its like is scarcely to be found in history.
Japan, since he ascended the throne in his fifteenth year, has risen from a state vastly inferior to that of England in the War of the Roses to a position among the world's Powers. All that the enlightened West has had to teach Japan has learned while Mutsuhito has been its Mikado. But Mutsuhito's death will not put Japan on the backward path. It is the simple truth that the measure of his personal force has never been taken. He filled his role well, but he has been guarded from public observation, and regarded by his humbler subjects rather as a demigod than as a man.
He has, to be sure, been extolled as a great man. Only yesterday a Russian journalist compared him to Peter the Great. But the praise, after all, is due to what has been done in his reign, and no outsider can truthfully say just how much or how little the progress of Japan has been due to the wisdom of Mutuhito. The general idea is that Japan would have forged ahead under the rule of any Mikado, or half a dozen, in these last forty-five years.
Canal Neutrality Urged By M'Cumber.
New York Times 100 years ago today, July 30, 1912:
North Dakota Senator Argues Against Granting of Free Passage to American Ships.
SAYS IT OPPOSES TREATY
Surprises Senate by Declaring He Believes England Is Willing to Amend Agreement.
Special to The New York Times.
WASHINGTON, July 29.— Less than a dozen Senators attended the reopening of the debate on the Panama Canal tolls question in the Senate this morning, but the speech by Mr. McCumber or North Dakota, who resumed his thoroughgoing argument against the free passage of American ships, was important in several particulars, and he soon stirred up his opponents to a lively colloquy.
Mr. McCumber insisted that the granting of free passage to American ships would violate not only every obligation arising through Great Britain out of the Hay-Pauncefote treaty, but would also violate the American treaty with Panama under which the canal was made possible. He greatly surprised his colleagues with his argument regarding the rights of ships-of-war of nations through the canal.
From the beginning Mr. McCumber has taken the position that the neutralization of the canal must be strictly and literally preserved. To-day, in response to a question from Senator Cummins, he declared that such observance in connection with our treaty with Panama would commit this country absolutely to permitting the ships of all the nations in the world to go through free. This point he bases on a provision in the Panama treaty in which the ships of war of Panama are guaranteed free passage through the canal as a part of our payment for the Zone.
Some of the lawyers contend that the fact that this free passage is part payment really keeps this favor to America within the terms of our treaty with Great Britain, declaring for equality of treatment to all nations, but Mr. Cummins and Mr. McCumber apparently agreed that if all nations are to be treated alike and the Panamans are to go through free, then obviously all nations must be similarly treated.
Much has been made by the supporters of American exemption from tolls of the fact that the treaty with Great Britain puts warships and merchant vessels in the same class. They argue that since it is manifestly absurd for the United States to levy tolls on her own warships, since those tolls would be at once paid into the American Treasury, it is also not expected that American merchant ships should be subject to tolls. That argument Mr. McCumber answered to-day by explaining that when the Hay-Pauncefote treaty was negotiated it was quite possible that the canal would be built by private capital. In that case, he said, a real levy would have been collected from American battleships and merchant ships alike.
The fact, he said, that finally the Government built the canal herself, makes payment of battleship tolls impossible, does not relieve us of the obligation to levy on American merchant ships.
"We cannot salve our conscience," said Mr. McCumber, "by saying that if our position in this matter is wrong we will refer it for arbitration at The Hague. The same loose consciences that would send this "matter to arbitration, when the time comes will refuse to arbitrate; we will violate the Hay-Pauncefote treaty; will also violate the treaty of arbitration when that question is raised. And when we have violated both treaties, what then — war? No, for a single minute. No nation can afford to go to war with us. Least of all, Great Britain. But the very fact that we are immune from war should appeal to our high sense to maintain our contractual obligations."
Mr. McCumber surprised the Senate again by saying that he believed Great Britain would be willing so to amend the Hay-Pauncefote treaty as to permit the exemption of American coastwise ships from the payment of tolls. Only the Canadian provinces he said, "and the British possessions in the Caribbean, are now interested in anything like coastwise trade.
Mr. Cummins retorted, however, and he has the support of local diplomatists, that every nation in the world is interested in our coastwise trade to the extent that they would send anything from their own shores through the canal to the American Coast on the other side. Mr. McCumber said that American investments in the canal would he paid for by equal levies on the shippings of the world and our responsibilities would be repaid by the work of the canal in shortening our coast-to-coast steamship routes by 4,000 miles.
North Dakota Senator Argues Against Granting of Free Passage to American Ships.
SAYS IT OPPOSES TREATY
Surprises Senate by Declaring He Believes England Is Willing to Amend Agreement.
Special to The New York Times.
WASHINGTON, July 29.— Less than a dozen Senators attended the reopening of the debate on the Panama Canal tolls question in the Senate this morning, but the speech by Mr. McCumber or North Dakota, who resumed his thoroughgoing argument against the free passage of American ships, was important in several particulars, and he soon stirred up his opponents to a lively colloquy.
Mr. McCumber insisted that the granting of free passage to American ships would violate not only every obligation arising through Great Britain out of the Hay-Pauncefote treaty, but would also violate the American treaty with Panama under which the canal was made possible. He greatly surprised his colleagues with his argument regarding the rights of ships-of-war of nations through the canal.
From the beginning Mr. McCumber has taken the position that the neutralization of the canal must be strictly and literally preserved. To-day, in response to a question from Senator Cummins, he declared that such observance in connection with our treaty with Panama would commit this country absolutely to permitting the ships of all the nations in the world to go through free. This point he bases on a provision in the Panama treaty in which the ships of war of Panama are guaranteed free passage through the canal as a part of our payment for the Zone.
Some of the lawyers contend that the fact that this free passage is part payment really keeps this favor to America within the terms of our treaty with Great Britain, declaring for equality of treatment to all nations, but Mr. Cummins and Mr. McCumber apparently agreed that if all nations are to be treated alike and the Panamans are to go through free, then obviously all nations must be similarly treated.
Much has been made by the supporters of American exemption from tolls of the fact that the treaty with Great Britain puts warships and merchant vessels in the same class. They argue that since it is manifestly absurd for the United States to levy tolls on her own warships, since those tolls would be at once paid into the American Treasury, it is also not expected that American merchant ships should be subject to tolls. That argument Mr. McCumber answered to-day by explaining that when the Hay-Pauncefote treaty was negotiated it was quite possible that the canal would be built by private capital. In that case, he said, a real levy would have been collected from American battleships and merchant ships alike.
The fact, he said, that finally the Government built the canal herself, makes payment of battleship tolls impossible, does not relieve us of the obligation to levy on American merchant ships.
"We cannot salve our conscience," said Mr. McCumber, "by saying that if our position in this matter is wrong we will refer it for arbitration at The Hague. The same loose consciences that would send this "matter to arbitration, when the time comes will refuse to arbitrate; we will violate the Hay-Pauncefote treaty; will also violate the treaty of arbitration when that question is raised. And when we have violated both treaties, what then — war? No, for a single minute. No nation can afford to go to war with us. Least of all, Great Britain. But the very fact that we are immune from war should appeal to our high sense to maintain our contractual obligations."
Mr. McCumber surprised the Senate again by saying that he believed Great Britain would be willing so to amend the Hay-Pauncefote treaty as to permit the exemption of American coastwise ships from the payment of tolls. Only the Canadian provinces he said, "and the British possessions in the Caribbean, are now interested in anything like coastwise trade.
Mr. Cummins retorted, however, and he has the support of local diplomatists, that every nation in the world is interested in our coastwise trade to the extent that they would send anything from their own shores through the canal to the American Coast on the other side. Mr. McCumber said that American investments in the canal would he paid for by equal levies on the shippings of the world and our responsibilities would be repaid by the work of the canal in shortening our coast-to-coast steamship routes by 4,000 miles.
Real Leader Of His People.
New York Times 100 years ago today, July 30, 1912:
President Taft Pays a Warm Personal Tribute to the Emperor.
WASHINGTON, July 29.— Upon learning of the death of the Emperor of Japan, President Taft dictated the following statement:
"I am greatly shocked at the death of the Emperor of Japan. It has been my good fortune to have met the Emperor as many as half a dozen times, and to have come into such relations with him as his guest as to feel that there was a personal friendship between us. The Emperor was a remarkable ruler. He was brought to actual power through the Shogun rebellion, and his life has measured the wonderful growth and expansion of the Japanese Empire.
"The Emperor was a hard worker and gave great attention to matters of Government. His genius for government was shown in his selection of Generals, Admirals, and statesmen, who have reflected glory upon the Japanese Nation.
"Rarely in the history of the world has such progress been seen or can be so clearly traced to the ability of certain men who led in it. They were the Emperor's selection, and enjoyed always his support. His distribution of offices, honors, and titles was made after careful comparison of the importance of the services rendered.
"No one who knows intimately the history of Japan in recent years will deny to Mutsuhito the real leadership of his people."
The first official news of the death of the Emperor of Japan came from Ambassador Bryan at Tokio. President Taft cabled his regrets directly to the new Emperor and to the Empress dowager. To the young Emperor this message was, sent:
His Imperial Majesty Yoshihito, Emperor of Japan, Tokio:
On the sad occasion of the death of his Majesty the Emperor Mutsuhito, your illustrious father, offer to your Majesty my most profound sympathy and that of the Government and people of the United States.
Accept my good wishes for a long and prosperous reign and the continuance of the welfare of the Japanese Empire.
(Signed) William H. Taft.
To the Empress Dowager this message went forward:
Her Imperial Majesty Haruko, Empress of Japan, Tokio:
I beg your Majesty to accept the condolences and sincerest sympathy of Mrs. Taft and myself in the great loss which you have sustained in the death of your illustrious husband, for whom I entertained sentiments of the highest personal esteem and regard.
(Signed) William H. Taft.
Secretary Knox sent this cablegram:
His Excellency Viscount Uchida, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Tokio:
I offer to your Excellency the expression of my personal sympathy and sorrow in the great loss which has been sustained by the Japanese Nation in the dearth of his Majesty the Emperor Mutsuhito.
(Signed) P. C. Knox, Secretary of State.
THE MIKADO'S CAREER.
Mutsuhito Introduced Reforms and Ignored Traditions of His Country.
Mutsuhito, Emperor of Japan, called by the common people Tenshu Sama, the August Son of Heaven, and byu the educated Shu-jo, the Supreme Master, occupied the throne of Japan during the most momentous period of her history, when she arose from an obscure island kingdom to a place among the powers of the world.
The 121st of the sovereigns who had reigned in an unbroken line, the Emperor, so the legend reads, was descended from the gods, who sprang from the sun goddess, Tensho Daijin. The goddess's first mortal successor was Jimmu Tenno, who ascended the throne of Japan 660 years before the birth of Christ.
The Emperor was supreme, for he sat upon a throne which was established at the time when the heavens and the earth became separated. Being heaven descended, he was sacred. This is declared by the Constitution of Feb. 11, 1889, and by it he combines the rights of sovereignty and exercised executive power with the advice and assistance of the Cabinet Ministers who were responsible to him and appointed by him.
Mutsuhito was bom in Kyoto on Nov. 3, 1852, less than two years before the visit of Commodore Perry to Japan and the opening or the ports of that country to the world.
At 14 years the boy ascended the throne of his fathers, on Feb. 13, 1867, in succession to his father, Komei-Tenno, and became the head of the spiritual power of Japan, as well as the titular
ruler of his people.
At that time, however, the Shogunate represented even greater power than did the Emperor. Yoritomo, who died in 1199, was the founder of the Shogunate. When the exactions of Kiyomori, the all-powerful Minister, had aroused the indignation of the whole people, Yoritomo, who was a scion of the great house of Minamoto took advantage of the moment to restore his own fortunes, and forced the Court Of Kyoto to bestow upon him the title of Shogun. By the appointment of Military Governors from its own clan the Shogunate became the military power and actual controlling influence in the nation.
Coming to the throne a lad without political experience, Mutsuhito surrounded himself with strong counselors, to whose sage advice he owed much of the success of his early years as Emperor.
Within a year he had abolished the Shogunate. Civil conflict followed when Keiki, the last of the Shoguns, took up arms against the Emperor, and even set up as a pretender to the throne.
When victory was won, Mutsuhito pardoned Keiki. Enomoto, who held Yezo and proclaimed a republic in that island, was also pardoned. Saigo, who headed the rebellion of Satsuma, likewise escaped the expected sentence to death. Gathering about him the feudal lords, Mutushito then made himself the actual ruler of Japan.
The Emperor, when 16 years old, invited foreign representatives to confer with him in 1868. It was while he was on his way to this assembly that Sir Harry Parkes, the British Minister, came near being assassinated by some of the "two-sword" men, survivors of the old regime. Notwithstanding this demonstration against the Emperor's progressive policy, the peaceful revolution of the Empire continued. The Emperor by oath bound himself to the further extension of reform.
Under his administration Japan moved forward steadily to perfect herself in the modern arts of commerce, science, and war. Unbounded in ambition and with a steadfastness of purpose, which would not admit of defeat, he worked unceasingly to promote his country's welfare.
The number of schools was increased and English was put in the curriculum. Gradually European dress displaced the more picturesque garb of the native land, the flowing silken robes gave place to the frock coat, the evening dress and the high hat and the patent leather shoes. Mutsuhito taught the Samurai that a patriot could serve his country in the ordinary walks of life as well as in warlike pursuits. He told his people this in a poem he wrote:
There is no second way whereby to show
The love of fatherland.
Whether one stand
A soldier under arms, against the foe,
Or stay at home, a peaceful citizen,
The ways of loyalty are still the same.
In the free-will grant that he made to his subjects of Constitutional Government he fulfilled a promise, which it had taken him over twenty years to keep. It was the crowning work of twenty years of organization and reformation.
Some of many important events that marked his reign were the abolition of the feudal system 1871; building of the Tokio-Yokohama Railway, 1872; adoption of the Gregorian calendar, 1873; interdiction of wearing swords, 1876; suppression of the Satsuma rebellion, 1877; expedition to Formosa, 1874; adoption of a Constitution, 1889; establishment of the Diet, 1890; war with China, 1894; war with Russia, 1904-05, and signing of treaty of alliance with Great Britain, 1905.
Clauses of "political inferiority" in Japan's, treaties with other nations early became obnoxious to the Emperor, and he set about obtaining revisions. After a rebuff, he met with success when Great Britain in 1894 acceded to his demands, and by 1901 all the other nations had complied.
The Emperor built up a modem army, which commanded the respect and admiration of the world. Like England an Island kingdom, Japan soon saw the need of a navy, and the test of war found her not wanting in this arm of her defense.
How much patriotism Mutsuhito had inspired in his subjects was shown at the time of the Boxer rebellion, when the army of the allies marched upon
Peking.
"There are no finer troops in the field," said an officer who took part, in speaking of the Japanese soldiers, "The men prided themselves upon their efficiency, surpassing the European troops in discipline. They were determined to show the Europeans how very excellent they were, and none could gainsay their estimation of themselves."
When in 1894 war began with China the Emperor reviewed the troops as they left, and he distributed rewards for distinction and meritorious service when they returned. He did the same thing when Japan went to war with Russia. After the fall of Port Arthur he sent a message to Gen. Nogi instructing him to meet in every way the demands of the Russians in the negotiations for capitulation.
When the Diet refused military and naval appropriations, the Emperor set an example of patriotism by contributing 300,000 yen ($150,000) a year to the national defense and equipment.
Many travelers have presented pictures of the man as ruler of the Empire of the Rising Sun. Their composite portrait shows him to have been a man of determination, a ceaseless worker, a deep student of the affairs of the world, a believer in the development of the naval and military strength of his country, and a patron of the arts and sciences.
The Emperor rose early every morning, and after breakfast and examination by a physician, he would put on his uniform of supreme generalissimo, and make his appearance in his study at 10 o'clock. He remained there usually until 2 o'clock, then he would rest for about an hour, and again return to the study, and busy himself with the affairs of the empire until 5 or 6 o'clock. In the evening it was his custom to spend the time until 9 o'clock with the Empress and ladles of the Court. Then the doctor would come to give him a massage, and he usually retired at 10:30 or 11 o'clock.
The dead ruler of Nippon was both an artist and a poet. Notwithstanding the burden of State cares, he found time to amuse himself by carving and writing verse. Some days he would write forty or fifty poems. Many of these comforted and inspired the people when Japan was at war with Russia. The Emperor often showed his skill as a designer, especially when he wanted to give souvenirs at his palace dinners to foreign visitors.
The Emperor was fond of horseback riding and often would exercise on a wooden horse when he was too much occupied with large affairs to go riding. He gained skill from long training in his younger days and was one of the best horsemen of the Empire. Walking was another favorite recreation, and he could often be seen walking in the palace garden leading a Yorkshire terrier which was presented to him by Marshal Oyama.
The Emperor had several hobbies. He was a collector of art objects and an excellent Judge of lacquers and chinaware.
Another hobby was the collection of small clocks, and he had at least one of these in every room in the palace.
He was also a collector of swords. When it became known that the Emperor was fond of such weapons many of the lords presented him with their own, and now his collection numbers more than 300 of these.
With the advent of civilization in Japan there has been apparently a lessening of that feeling of reverence which the people held for the August Son of Heaven. In 1910 a plot was discovered among some of the Emperor's subjects to assassinate him. Socialists and anarchists, it was reported, were behind the plot, and its discovery was followed by many arrests.
The Emperor married on Feb. 9, 1869, Princess Haruko, daughter of Prince Ichijo. To them were born five children. The eldest of these, Prince Yoshihito, was born on Aug, 31, 1879. The Prince was an exceedingly delicate child, and it required the utmost care of the court physicians to bring him to manhood. Now he has outgrown his former ailments, enjoys goods health, and possesses the love of his people to a great degree.
The remaining children of the Emperor were girls. The eldest is Princess Masako Tsune, married in April, 1908, to Prince Tsunehisa, eldest son of the late Prince Kitashirakawa. It was the latter who as a child was set up as a rival candidate to the throne in opposition to his Majesty. The latter freely pardoned his cousin, and in after years had no more stanch supporter. The other daughters are the Princess Fusako, born Jan. 28, 1890; the Princess Nobuka, born Aug, 7, 1891, and the princess Toshiko, born May 11, 1896.
The Emperor supported the Imperial family out of his privy purse of $1,500,000 yearly, and showed great fondness in his gifts to the Crown Prince.
President Taft Pays a Warm Personal Tribute to the Emperor.
WASHINGTON, July 29.— Upon learning of the death of the Emperor of Japan, President Taft dictated the following statement:
"I am greatly shocked at the death of the Emperor of Japan. It has been my good fortune to have met the Emperor as many as half a dozen times, and to have come into such relations with him as his guest as to feel that there was a personal friendship between us. The Emperor was a remarkable ruler. He was brought to actual power through the Shogun rebellion, and his life has measured the wonderful growth and expansion of the Japanese Empire.
"The Emperor was a hard worker and gave great attention to matters of Government. His genius for government was shown in his selection of Generals, Admirals, and statesmen, who have reflected glory upon the Japanese Nation.
"Rarely in the history of the world has such progress been seen or can be so clearly traced to the ability of certain men who led in it. They were the Emperor's selection, and enjoyed always his support. His distribution of offices, honors, and titles was made after careful comparison of the importance of the services rendered.
"No one who knows intimately the history of Japan in recent years will deny to Mutsuhito the real leadership of his people."
The first official news of the death of the Emperor of Japan came from Ambassador Bryan at Tokio. President Taft cabled his regrets directly to the new Emperor and to the Empress dowager. To the young Emperor this message was, sent:
His Imperial Majesty Yoshihito, Emperor of Japan, Tokio:
On the sad occasion of the death of his Majesty the Emperor Mutsuhito, your illustrious father, offer to your Majesty my most profound sympathy and that of the Government and people of the United States.
Accept my good wishes for a long and prosperous reign and the continuance of the welfare of the Japanese Empire.
(Signed) William H. Taft.
To the Empress Dowager this message went forward:
Her Imperial Majesty Haruko, Empress of Japan, Tokio:
I beg your Majesty to accept the condolences and sincerest sympathy of Mrs. Taft and myself in the great loss which you have sustained in the death of your illustrious husband, for whom I entertained sentiments of the highest personal esteem and regard.
(Signed) William H. Taft.
Secretary Knox sent this cablegram:
His Excellency Viscount Uchida, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Tokio:
I offer to your Excellency the expression of my personal sympathy and sorrow in the great loss which has been sustained by the Japanese Nation in the dearth of his Majesty the Emperor Mutsuhito.
(Signed) P. C. Knox, Secretary of State.
THE MIKADO'S CAREER.
Mutsuhito Introduced Reforms and Ignored Traditions of His Country.
Mutsuhito, Emperor of Japan, called by the common people Tenshu Sama, the August Son of Heaven, and byu the educated Shu-jo, the Supreme Master, occupied the throne of Japan during the most momentous period of her history, when she arose from an obscure island kingdom to a place among the powers of the world.
The 121st of the sovereigns who had reigned in an unbroken line, the Emperor, so the legend reads, was descended from the gods, who sprang from the sun goddess, Tensho Daijin. The goddess's first mortal successor was Jimmu Tenno, who ascended the throne of Japan 660 years before the birth of Christ.
The Emperor was supreme, for he sat upon a throne which was established at the time when the heavens and the earth became separated. Being heaven descended, he was sacred. This is declared by the Constitution of Feb. 11, 1889, and by it he combines the rights of sovereignty and exercised executive power with the advice and assistance of the Cabinet Ministers who were responsible to him and appointed by him.
Mutsuhito was bom in Kyoto on Nov. 3, 1852, less than two years before the visit of Commodore Perry to Japan and the opening or the ports of that country to the world.
At 14 years the boy ascended the throne of his fathers, on Feb. 13, 1867, in succession to his father, Komei-Tenno, and became the head of the spiritual power of Japan, as well as the titular
ruler of his people.
At that time, however, the Shogunate represented even greater power than did the Emperor. Yoritomo, who died in 1199, was the founder of the Shogunate. When the exactions of Kiyomori, the all-powerful Minister, had aroused the indignation of the whole people, Yoritomo, who was a scion of the great house of Minamoto took advantage of the moment to restore his own fortunes, and forced the Court Of Kyoto to bestow upon him the title of Shogun. By the appointment of Military Governors from its own clan the Shogunate became the military power and actual controlling influence in the nation.
Coming to the throne a lad without political experience, Mutsuhito surrounded himself with strong counselors, to whose sage advice he owed much of the success of his early years as Emperor.
Within a year he had abolished the Shogunate. Civil conflict followed when Keiki, the last of the Shoguns, took up arms against the Emperor, and even set up as a pretender to the throne.
When victory was won, Mutsuhito pardoned Keiki. Enomoto, who held Yezo and proclaimed a republic in that island, was also pardoned. Saigo, who headed the rebellion of Satsuma, likewise escaped the expected sentence to death. Gathering about him the feudal lords, Mutushito then made himself the actual ruler of Japan.
The Emperor, when 16 years old, invited foreign representatives to confer with him in 1868. It was while he was on his way to this assembly that Sir Harry Parkes, the British Minister, came near being assassinated by some of the "two-sword" men, survivors of the old regime. Notwithstanding this demonstration against the Emperor's progressive policy, the peaceful revolution of the Empire continued. The Emperor by oath bound himself to the further extension of reform.
Under his administration Japan moved forward steadily to perfect herself in the modern arts of commerce, science, and war. Unbounded in ambition and with a steadfastness of purpose, which would not admit of defeat, he worked unceasingly to promote his country's welfare.
The number of schools was increased and English was put in the curriculum. Gradually European dress displaced the more picturesque garb of the native land, the flowing silken robes gave place to the frock coat, the evening dress and the high hat and the patent leather shoes. Mutsuhito taught the Samurai that a patriot could serve his country in the ordinary walks of life as well as in warlike pursuits. He told his people this in a poem he wrote:
There is no second way whereby to show
The love of fatherland.
Whether one stand
A soldier under arms, against the foe,
Or stay at home, a peaceful citizen,
The ways of loyalty are still the same.
In the free-will grant that he made to his subjects of Constitutional Government he fulfilled a promise, which it had taken him over twenty years to keep. It was the crowning work of twenty years of organization and reformation.
Some of many important events that marked his reign were the abolition of the feudal system 1871; building of the Tokio-Yokohama Railway, 1872; adoption of the Gregorian calendar, 1873; interdiction of wearing swords, 1876; suppression of the Satsuma rebellion, 1877; expedition to Formosa, 1874; adoption of a Constitution, 1889; establishment of the Diet, 1890; war with China, 1894; war with Russia, 1904-05, and signing of treaty of alliance with Great Britain, 1905.
Clauses of "political inferiority" in Japan's, treaties with other nations early became obnoxious to the Emperor, and he set about obtaining revisions. After a rebuff, he met with success when Great Britain in 1894 acceded to his demands, and by 1901 all the other nations had complied.
The Emperor built up a modem army, which commanded the respect and admiration of the world. Like England an Island kingdom, Japan soon saw the need of a navy, and the test of war found her not wanting in this arm of her defense.
How much patriotism Mutsuhito had inspired in his subjects was shown at the time of the Boxer rebellion, when the army of the allies marched upon
Peking.
"There are no finer troops in the field," said an officer who took part, in speaking of the Japanese soldiers, "The men prided themselves upon their efficiency, surpassing the European troops in discipline. They were determined to show the Europeans how very excellent they were, and none could gainsay their estimation of themselves."
When in 1894 war began with China the Emperor reviewed the troops as they left, and he distributed rewards for distinction and meritorious service when they returned. He did the same thing when Japan went to war with Russia. After the fall of Port Arthur he sent a message to Gen. Nogi instructing him to meet in every way the demands of the Russians in the negotiations for capitulation.
When the Diet refused military and naval appropriations, the Emperor set an example of patriotism by contributing 300,000 yen ($150,000) a year to the national defense and equipment.
Many travelers have presented pictures of the man as ruler of the Empire of the Rising Sun. Their composite portrait shows him to have been a man of determination, a ceaseless worker, a deep student of the affairs of the world, a believer in the development of the naval and military strength of his country, and a patron of the arts and sciences.
The Emperor rose early every morning, and after breakfast and examination by a physician, he would put on his uniform of supreme generalissimo, and make his appearance in his study at 10 o'clock. He remained there usually until 2 o'clock, then he would rest for about an hour, and again return to the study, and busy himself with the affairs of the empire until 5 or 6 o'clock. In the evening it was his custom to spend the time until 9 o'clock with the Empress and ladles of the Court. Then the doctor would come to give him a massage, and he usually retired at 10:30 or 11 o'clock.
The dead ruler of Nippon was both an artist and a poet. Notwithstanding the burden of State cares, he found time to amuse himself by carving and writing verse. Some days he would write forty or fifty poems. Many of these comforted and inspired the people when Japan was at war with Russia. The Emperor often showed his skill as a designer, especially when he wanted to give souvenirs at his palace dinners to foreign visitors.
The Emperor was fond of horseback riding and often would exercise on a wooden horse when he was too much occupied with large affairs to go riding. He gained skill from long training in his younger days and was one of the best horsemen of the Empire. Walking was another favorite recreation, and he could often be seen walking in the palace garden leading a Yorkshire terrier which was presented to him by Marshal Oyama.
The Emperor had several hobbies. He was a collector of art objects and an excellent Judge of lacquers and chinaware.
Another hobby was the collection of small clocks, and he had at least one of these in every room in the palace.
He was also a collector of swords. When it became known that the Emperor was fond of such weapons many of the lords presented him with their own, and now his collection numbers more than 300 of these.
With the advent of civilization in Japan there has been apparently a lessening of that feeling of reverence which the people held for the August Son of Heaven. In 1910 a plot was discovered among some of the Emperor's subjects to assassinate him. Socialists and anarchists, it was reported, were behind the plot, and its discovery was followed by many arrests.
The Emperor married on Feb. 9, 1869, Princess Haruko, daughter of Prince Ichijo. To them were born five children. The eldest of these, Prince Yoshihito, was born on Aug, 31, 1879. The Prince was an exceedingly delicate child, and it required the utmost care of the court physicians to bring him to manhood. Now he has outgrown his former ailments, enjoys goods health, and possesses the love of his people to a great degree.
The remaining children of the Emperor were girls. The eldest is Princess Masako Tsune, married in April, 1908, to Prince Tsunehisa, eldest son of the late Prince Kitashirakawa. It was the latter who as a child was set up as a rival candidate to the throne in opposition to his Majesty. The latter freely pardoned his cousin, and in after years had no more stanch supporter. The other daughters are the Princess Fusako, born Jan. 28, 1890; the Princess Nobuka, born Aug, 7, 1891, and the princess Toshiko, born May 11, 1896.
The Emperor supported the Imperial family out of his privy purse of $1,500,000 yearly, and showed great fondness in his gifts to the Crown Prince.
English Sympathy For Ally.
New York Times 100 years ago today, July 30, 1912:
London Papers Expect No Serious Change of Policy to Follow.
Special Cable to The New York Times.
LONDON, Tuesday, July 30.— By the death of the Mikado Great Britain has lost a faithful and trusted ally, who never deviated from the policy adopted ten years ago, when the first Anglo-Japanese treaty was signed.
The London newspapers this morning unite in extending sympathy to the Japanese imperial family and the people of Japan and in paying tributes to the dead monarch. They declare that his reign will probably remain forever the most memorable in the history of Japan. Who, they ask, can ever hope to equal in so short a time the series of brilliant achievements which were accomplished under the late Emperor?
The question of Anglo-Japanese relations under the new monarch is touched upon by several papers, and the conviction is unanimously expressed that the death of Mutsuhito will mean no change therein. The Daily Telegraph, voicing this conviction, says:
"The passing of the Emperor is an event of world-wide significance, but will, of course, have no untoward influence on the relations of closest amity between the Japanese and British peoples. The treaty which unites them in defense of their common policy in the Far East is not an accidental expedient to meet temporary need."
The Daily Express says it is thought probable that the British Court will go into mourning.
Yoshio Markino, a talented Japanese artist, now in London, writing in quaint English of the new Japanese ruler, says:
"Crown Prince Yoshihito has been educated at the peers' school and has received the most democratic education any Crown Prince ever had in Japan.
"I remember that once when he was about 10 or 11 years old he went sea bathing near the Temple of Ise. He mixed with ordinary schoolboys in the country, among whom was my own nephew. He played throwing water to each other. The most loyal villagers wept for his frank democracy.
"The sympathy between him and his people will always be as close. There is no doubt that he will make the best Mikado that Japan ever had."
London Papers Expect No Serious Change of Policy to Follow.
Special Cable to The New York Times.
LONDON, Tuesday, July 30.— By the death of the Mikado Great Britain has lost a faithful and trusted ally, who never deviated from the policy adopted ten years ago, when the first Anglo-Japanese treaty was signed.
The London newspapers this morning unite in extending sympathy to the Japanese imperial family and the people of Japan and in paying tributes to the dead monarch. They declare that his reign will probably remain forever the most memorable in the history of Japan. Who, they ask, can ever hope to equal in so short a time the series of brilliant achievements which were accomplished under the late Emperor?
The question of Anglo-Japanese relations under the new monarch is touched upon by several papers, and the conviction is unanimously expressed that the death of Mutsuhito will mean no change therein. The Daily Telegraph, voicing this conviction, says:
"The passing of the Emperor is an event of world-wide significance, but will, of course, have no untoward influence on the relations of closest amity between the Japanese and British peoples. The treaty which unites them in defense of their common policy in the Far East is not an accidental expedient to meet temporary need."
The Daily Express says it is thought probable that the British Court will go into mourning.
Yoshio Markino, a talented Japanese artist, now in London, writing in quaint English of the new Japanese ruler, says:
"Crown Prince Yoshihito has been educated at the peers' school and has received the most democratic education any Crown Prince ever had in Japan.
"I remember that once when he was about 10 or 11 years old he went sea bathing near the Temple of Ise. He mixed with ordinary schoolboys in the country, among whom was my own nephew. He played throwing water to each other. The most loyal villagers wept for his frank democracy.
"The sympathy between him and his people will always be as close. There is no doubt that he will make the best Mikado that Japan ever had."
Intrigue To Oust Goethals Alleged.
New York Times 100 years ago today, July 30, 1912:
Writer in Paris Daily Mail Says He Is Unpopular with the Powers In Washington.
"GUMSHOE MAN" AT WORK
Man Who Spied on Goethals Believed to Have Been His Guest — Jealousies Among the Officials.
By Marconi Transatlantic Wireless Telegraph to The New York Times.
PARIS, July 29.— The following curious letter from "a responsible correspondent in Panama," whose name must not be divulged, was received today by the Paris Daily Mail:
"At one time there was some talk of building huge barracks near the town of Empire, almost in the middle of the Canal Zone, for the use of United States cavalry, infantry, and artillery, but these arrangements were modified by eliminating the cavalry altogether, cutting down the number of infantry regiments, and greatly increasing the brigades of coast artillery at either end of the new waterway.
"Now it is proposed to have an aeroplane corps on, the Isthmus, well equipped in every possible way. Experienced aviators, however, say that such an establishment would prove of little service in an hour of need, for the Panamanian winds are like the Panamanian people, far from reliable.
"Be all this as it may, there is still some prospect of a goodly number of soldiers being permanently quartered at Empire, which is a point from which reinforcements could speedily be obtained for service at Colon or Panama.
"The idea of allowing the jungle to grow again on either bank of the canal when it is open for navigation does not find much favor outside the originator of the notion, Col. Goethals, and, as that gentleman is far from being liked by the powers that be in Washington, no man knoweth when he may cease to reign on the Isthmus. This statement may be contradicted, but nevertheless it is true.
"The 'gumshoe man' or sleuth is at work in all directions. He is to be found on the steam shovels, on the locomotives, in the workshops, in the offices, in the villages, towns, and cities, and, of late, in the very commission itself. What he has found among the members of the last named is not exactly known, beyond the fact that there is an active campaign going on for the removal or Col. Goethals.
"The Colonel is very sore about the matter, for it was sprung upon him like a mine. He is of the opinion that his 'gumshoe man' or spy came in the person of a tourist or distinguished official who partook of his hospitality. This idea is probably a correct one, for all the Colonel's queer little ways appear to be known in Washington.
"Whatever Col. Goethals's faults may be, he is very popular among all classes of workmen along the whole length of the canal works, irrespective of color or creed. He has a very difficult task indeed to perform, and if he were removed it would be very difficult indeed to find a successor to equal his energy, tact, and good judgment.
"As in other parts of the world, there are petty jealousies among those at the head of affairs on the Isthmus, all the more emphasized by the fact that Col. Goethals insists on being the capital 'I' in every department of the Canal Zone.
"Some excellent stories are told of the various ways in which high officials show contempt for each other, and the diplomatic methods adopted by all and sundry to avoid giving outward signs of being displeased at what is being done. Every now and again several of them travel in the same train, in which case they put themselves to all sorts of inconveniences to avoid coming into contact with one another. These are matters which must not be touched upon too fully, for, although it is not generally known, there is a rigid and peculiar press censorship on the Isthmus. It is practically an official gag to prevent any news from being circulated about the progress of the Panama Canal beyond what is read and passed by the officials in the Administrative Department.
"It is this fact, and this alone, which prevents an amusing and astounding incident which happened aboard the mail steamer between Colon and New York from being told here at length. Some day the truth about the American construction of the Panama Canal will probably find its way into the columns of the newspaper press.
"Officials working for the Isthmian Canal Commission are being encouraged to act as newspaper correspondents for journals in various parts of the world, thus making it difficult for ordinary journalists to gain a footing in the Republic of Panama."
Writer in Paris Daily Mail Says He Is Unpopular with the Powers In Washington.
"GUMSHOE MAN" AT WORK
Man Who Spied on Goethals Believed to Have Been His Guest — Jealousies Among the Officials.
By Marconi Transatlantic Wireless Telegraph to The New York Times.
PARIS, July 29.— The following curious letter from "a responsible correspondent in Panama," whose name must not be divulged, was received today by the Paris Daily Mail:
"At one time there was some talk of building huge barracks near the town of Empire, almost in the middle of the Canal Zone, for the use of United States cavalry, infantry, and artillery, but these arrangements were modified by eliminating the cavalry altogether, cutting down the number of infantry regiments, and greatly increasing the brigades of coast artillery at either end of the new waterway.
"Now it is proposed to have an aeroplane corps on, the Isthmus, well equipped in every possible way. Experienced aviators, however, say that such an establishment would prove of little service in an hour of need, for the Panamanian winds are like the Panamanian people, far from reliable.
"Be all this as it may, there is still some prospect of a goodly number of soldiers being permanently quartered at Empire, which is a point from which reinforcements could speedily be obtained for service at Colon or Panama.
"The idea of allowing the jungle to grow again on either bank of the canal when it is open for navigation does not find much favor outside the originator of the notion, Col. Goethals, and, as that gentleman is far from being liked by the powers that be in Washington, no man knoweth when he may cease to reign on the Isthmus. This statement may be contradicted, but nevertheless it is true.
"The 'gumshoe man' or sleuth is at work in all directions. He is to be found on the steam shovels, on the locomotives, in the workshops, in the offices, in the villages, towns, and cities, and, of late, in the very commission itself. What he has found among the members of the last named is not exactly known, beyond the fact that there is an active campaign going on for the removal or Col. Goethals.
"The Colonel is very sore about the matter, for it was sprung upon him like a mine. He is of the opinion that his 'gumshoe man' or spy came in the person of a tourist or distinguished official who partook of his hospitality. This idea is probably a correct one, for all the Colonel's queer little ways appear to be known in Washington.
"Whatever Col. Goethals's faults may be, he is very popular among all classes of workmen along the whole length of the canal works, irrespective of color or creed. He has a very difficult task indeed to perform, and if he were removed it would be very difficult indeed to find a successor to equal his energy, tact, and good judgment.
"As in other parts of the world, there are petty jealousies among those at the head of affairs on the Isthmus, all the more emphasized by the fact that Col. Goethals insists on being the capital 'I' in every department of the Canal Zone.
"Some excellent stories are told of the various ways in which high officials show contempt for each other, and the diplomatic methods adopted by all and sundry to avoid giving outward signs of being displeased at what is being done. Every now and again several of them travel in the same train, in which case they put themselves to all sorts of inconveniences to avoid coming into contact with one another. These are matters which must not be touched upon too fully, for, although it is not generally known, there is a rigid and peculiar press censorship on the Isthmus. It is practically an official gag to prevent any news from being circulated about the progress of the Panama Canal beyond what is read and passed by the officials in the Administrative Department.
"It is this fact, and this alone, which prevents an amusing and astounding incident which happened aboard the mail steamer between Colon and New York from being told here at length. Some day the truth about the American construction of the Panama Canal will probably find its way into the columns of the newspaper press.
"Officials working for the Isthmian Canal Commission are being encouraged to act as newspaper correspondents for journals in various parts of the world, thus making it difficult for ordinary journalists to gain a footing in the Republic of Panama."
Just One Battleship.
New York Times 100 years ago today, July 30, 1912:
Democrats Will Not Try in the House for More.
Special to The New York Times.
WASHINGTON, July 29.— One battleship will be the ultimate decision of the Democracy of the House on the naval increase programme for this year. The leaders of the party have concluded that they will make a mistake if the caucus decision against all ships is rigidly adhered to, and they think that enough Democrats are favoring the two battleship proposals advocated by Representative Sulzer to bring about the granting of two through coalition with the Republicans if the opponents of any battleships do not yield for one.
When the conference report on the naval bill is called up Mr. Sulzer will try to have the House agree to the Senate amendment providing for two
battleships. A canvass of the House indicates that this motion will not carry, and that the Democrats will have enough votes to send the battleship programme back into conference. Then there will be another caucus, in which the Democrats will agree upon one battleship, and this is expected to be the solution of the question. Floor Leader Underwood is in favor of one battleship.
Perry Belmont, who presented the naval plank to the Baltimore Platform Committee, to-day wired Mr. Sulzer as follows, from Bar Harbor:
I hope and believe you will succeed in preventing a repudiation or the Democratic platform on the subject of an adequate navy and the policy outlined in the resolution adopted by the Baltimore Convention, a policy rendered imperatively necessary by recent events, and especially on account of the responsibility of our Government in the Panama Canal zone.
Bernhardt Wall of New York, a Past Department Commander of the United Spanish War Veterans, indicated that a repudiation of the navy plank would be resented at the next encampment of his organization. Mr. Wall wrote to Mr. Sulzer:
I read this morning that you are willing to bolt the caucus which tabled the resolution calling for two battleships.
I hope it is so. It is a matter of ordinary patriotism to protect the country. One lesson, such as 1898, is sufficient. Spend a few dollars now and save many hurriedly lavished when trouble comes, and a great deal of trouble and anxiety. The proposed plan of two battleships is conservative enough.
This is unofficial. I speak as an Individual. But the National encampment at Atlantic City next September is going to express itself in no uncertain language. We can remember the unpreparedness of our country better than others.
Democrats Will Not Try in the House for More.
Special to The New York Times.
WASHINGTON, July 29.— One battleship will be the ultimate decision of the Democracy of the House on the naval increase programme for this year. The leaders of the party have concluded that they will make a mistake if the caucus decision against all ships is rigidly adhered to, and they think that enough Democrats are favoring the two battleship proposals advocated by Representative Sulzer to bring about the granting of two through coalition with the Republicans if the opponents of any battleships do not yield for one.
When the conference report on the naval bill is called up Mr. Sulzer will try to have the House agree to the Senate amendment providing for two
battleships. A canvass of the House indicates that this motion will not carry, and that the Democrats will have enough votes to send the battleship programme back into conference. Then there will be another caucus, in which the Democrats will agree upon one battleship, and this is expected to be the solution of the question. Floor Leader Underwood is in favor of one battleship.
Perry Belmont, who presented the naval plank to the Baltimore Platform Committee, to-day wired Mr. Sulzer as follows, from Bar Harbor:
I hope and believe you will succeed in preventing a repudiation or the Democratic platform on the subject of an adequate navy and the policy outlined in the resolution adopted by the Baltimore Convention, a policy rendered imperatively necessary by recent events, and especially on account of the responsibility of our Government in the Panama Canal zone.
Bernhardt Wall of New York, a Past Department Commander of the United Spanish War Veterans, indicated that a repudiation of the navy plank would be resented at the next encampment of his organization. Mr. Wall wrote to Mr. Sulzer:
I read this morning that you are willing to bolt the caucus which tabled the resolution calling for two battleships.
I hope it is so. It is a matter of ordinary patriotism to protect the country. One lesson, such as 1898, is sufficient. Spend a few dollars now and save many hurriedly lavished when trouble comes, and a great deal of trouble and anxiety. The proposed plan of two battleships is conservative enough.
This is unofficial. I speak as an Individual. But the National encampment at Atlantic City next September is going to express itself in no uncertain language. We can remember the unpreparedness of our country better than others.
Mutsuhito Dies; Son Rules Japan.
New York Times 100 years ago today, July 30, 1912:
Stricken Emperor Passes Gently Away and Solemn Accession Ceremonies Follow.
DEAD MONARCH LONG ILL
Unconscious for Hours Before the End — Imperial Family at His Bedside.
DID MUCH FOR HIS PEOPLE
Was the Leader of the Nation in Its Rise from Obscurity to Position of a World Power.
TOKIO, Tuesday, July 30.— Mutsuhito, for forty-four years Emperor of Japan, died at 12:43 o'clock this morning. Yoshihito reigns in his stead, the accession ceremonies for the Crown Prince following without delay the announcement of the death of his father.
The Emperor's end was peaceful. He had been unconscious since yesterday morning, when his respiration began to be constantly more feeble, and he passed gently away, in the presence of the members of the imperial family and the assembled Ministers of State.
The great crowds, which had been gathered for days outside the park surrounding the palace, remained till the end in hushed silence, paying their last homage. It was a marvelous scene when messengers silently mingled with the crowds and scattered and posted announcements of the Emperor's death an hour before. Deep emotion swept the multitude, but there was no evidence of excitement. The only sound was a long-drawn sigh of sorrow as the persons in the throng looked at each other in seemingly hopeless depression.
The Crown Prince was greatly overcome by his father's death, but the event was formally communicated to the waiting notabilities, and accession ceremonies were begun at the imperial sanctuary at 3 o'clock.
The shrine was decorated according to the Shinto rites. Prince Iwakura, the chief ritualist, officiated, laying the offering on the sacred altar. He was assisted by a subordinate, who rang a bell while the offerings were being placed. The oath was read in the presence of the Ministers of State, the Councilors, and other dignitaries.
Receiving the Sacred Treasures.
This ceremony at the sanctuary will be repeated within the next two days.
A more impressive scene took place in the throne room of the palace when the new Emperor, Yoshihito, received the sacred treasures. His Majesty entered the hall, preceded by the Minister of the Household, the Chief of the Board of Ceremonies, the Lord Chamberlain, military and naval aids, and the Imperial Princes. He was followed by Prince Yamagata, President of the Privy Council; Marquis Matsukata, member of the Privy Council; Marquis Inouye, Councillor of State, and others of similar rank, the Premier, Marquis Saionji, the Ministers of State, Marshals, Generals, and Admirals.
The scene lacked brilliancy, although not solemnity, for most of those present were without uniforms, having been in the palace two days and not having time to go to their homes prior to the ceremony.
The Emperor ascended the throne, before which had been placed simple wooden tables. On these reposed the sacred sword and necklace, two of the three sacred treasures. The third of the sacred treasures, the mirror, which is deposited in the shrine of Ise, will be received by the Emperor later. The Imperial and National seals also were taken over by his Majesty, who immediately arose, and, standing, received the homage of the entire assemblage. This concluded the ceremony.
The Emperor left the palace just before noon, proceeding to his former residence, but prior to leaving he received the Premier and Prince Yamagata and requested them to continue their best efforts in behalf of the Emperor and the country and to communicate his desires to their colleagues.
The Emperor will receive all the State Ministers and naval and military officers to-morrow morning.
All departments of the Government have been in conference, and it is expected that an amnesty decree will soon be issued. It will probably include the alleged conspirators in Korea.
Last Days of the Emperor.
The death of Mutsuhito was due to acute nephritis, otherwise known as Bright's disease. This was complicated with diabetes and an intestinal affection. As is usual in such cases, the patient occasionally showed marked signs of improvement followed by a relapse. Since Thursday the condition of the Emperor had been gradually growing worse, with high fever, weak and irregular pulse, and shallow respiration.
Haruko, the Empress, won universal sympathy because of her untiring vigil in the sickroom, where she remained continuously for ten days. Even on the last day she pitifully begged the physicians to gain a further respite for the dying Emperor.
Everything known to science was done to prolong the life of the sovereign. The whole nation watched pathetically, because the death of the Emperor would mark the end of an era in the history of Japan, and the people clung almost fiercely to the tradition with which the dying monarch appeared indissolubly linked.
Even as late as yesterday the Emperor showed marvelous vitality in resisting the approach of death. Although he had been unconscious since dawn, his heart continued to beat, and he made occasional feeble movements with his hands or tongue whenever his lips were moistened, while his rapid, feeble breathing showed that he was making a supreme struggle.
All the imperial Princes were summoned to the sickchamber Sunday evening. They were present at the noon examination yesterday by the Court physicians, who found his Majesty's pulse very feeble. The pulse beats had increased to 146, while the patient's fingers and toes had turned to a purple hue.
At 10 o'clock last night the physicians' bulletin said the imperial patient's temperature had increased, and his condition was more serious.
Prince Sadanaru Fushimi, the Emperor's cousin, and three other Princes left the palace for a short rest at 6 o'clock in the evening, but the Crown Prince and most of the Cabinet Ministers remained in a room adjoining the sickchamber, awaiting the inevitable end.
Burial to Be at Kioto.
The date for the funeral of Mutsuhito has not yet been fixed, but probably it will take place within a month at Kioto, where the Emperor had expressed a desire to be buried, on the site of Maruyama Palace, built by Hideyoshi in the sixteenth century. The old form funeral ceremonies will doubtless be modified considerably because it is impossible to adapt old usages to modern conditions, but many unique customs will be retained.
Under the household law the public coronation of Emperor Yoshihito must be held at Kioto. This will probably take place about one year hence. It is believed that business will be interfered with as little as possible. All entertainments will cease for a protracted period, which so far has not been designated.
A new era begins, the name of which will be announced to-morrow, together with other details on which the Council of State is now engaged. There is a possibility that a special session of Parliament will be called, to obtain the fullest co-operation,
It is not believed that the accession of the new Emperor will change the policies of Japan.
Yoshihito is highly respected by his subjects, and ceremonies in connection with his accession, under the Constitution promulgated by his father, invest his person and surroundings with the same sacredness as his predecessor.
The American Ambassador, Charles Page Bryan, was the first caller at the palace after the announcement of the death of the Emperor. He was accompanied by Charles J. Arnell, Japanese Secretary and Interpreter, and presented condolences.
All the powers have been notified, and the foreign representatives will call at the palace to-morrow.
Stricken Emperor Passes Gently Away and Solemn Accession Ceremonies Follow.
DEAD MONARCH LONG ILL
Unconscious for Hours Before the End — Imperial Family at His Bedside.
DID MUCH FOR HIS PEOPLE
Was the Leader of the Nation in Its Rise from Obscurity to Position of a World Power.
TOKIO, Tuesday, July 30.— Mutsuhito, for forty-four years Emperor of Japan, died at 12:43 o'clock this morning. Yoshihito reigns in his stead, the accession ceremonies for the Crown Prince following without delay the announcement of the death of his father.
The Emperor's end was peaceful. He had been unconscious since yesterday morning, when his respiration began to be constantly more feeble, and he passed gently away, in the presence of the members of the imperial family and the assembled Ministers of State.
The great crowds, which had been gathered for days outside the park surrounding the palace, remained till the end in hushed silence, paying their last homage. It was a marvelous scene when messengers silently mingled with the crowds and scattered and posted announcements of the Emperor's death an hour before. Deep emotion swept the multitude, but there was no evidence of excitement. The only sound was a long-drawn sigh of sorrow as the persons in the throng looked at each other in seemingly hopeless depression.
The Crown Prince was greatly overcome by his father's death, but the event was formally communicated to the waiting notabilities, and accession ceremonies were begun at the imperial sanctuary at 3 o'clock.
The shrine was decorated according to the Shinto rites. Prince Iwakura, the chief ritualist, officiated, laying the offering on the sacred altar. He was assisted by a subordinate, who rang a bell while the offerings were being placed. The oath was read in the presence of the Ministers of State, the Councilors, and other dignitaries.
Receiving the Sacred Treasures.
This ceremony at the sanctuary will be repeated within the next two days.
A more impressive scene took place in the throne room of the palace when the new Emperor, Yoshihito, received the sacred treasures. His Majesty entered the hall, preceded by the Minister of the Household, the Chief of the Board of Ceremonies, the Lord Chamberlain, military and naval aids, and the Imperial Princes. He was followed by Prince Yamagata, President of the Privy Council; Marquis Matsukata, member of the Privy Council; Marquis Inouye, Councillor of State, and others of similar rank, the Premier, Marquis Saionji, the Ministers of State, Marshals, Generals, and Admirals.
The scene lacked brilliancy, although not solemnity, for most of those present were without uniforms, having been in the palace two days and not having time to go to their homes prior to the ceremony.
The Emperor ascended the throne, before which had been placed simple wooden tables. On these reposed the sacred sword and necklace, two of the three sacred treasures. The third of the sacred treasures, the mirror, which is deposited in the shrine of Ise, will be received by the Emperor later. The Imperial and National seals also were taken over by his Majesty, who immediately arose, and, standing, received the homage of the entire assemblage. This concluded the ceremony.
The Emperor left the palace just before noon, proceeding to his former residence, but prior to leaving he received the Premier and Prince Yamagata and requested them to continue their best efforts in behalf of the Emperor and the country and to communicate his desires to their colleagues.
The Emperor will receive all the State Ministers and naval and military officers to-morrow morning.
All departments of the Government have been in conference, and it is expected that an amnesty decree will soon be issued. It will probably include the alleged conspirators in Korea.
Last Days of the Emperor.
The death of Mutsuhito was due to acute nephritis, otherwise known as Bright's disease. This was complicated with diabetes and an intestinal affection. As is usual in such cases, the patient occasionally showed marked signs of improvement followed by a relapse. Since Thursday the condition of the Emperor had been gradually growing worse, with high fever, weak and irregular pulse, and shallow respiration.
Haruko, the Empress, won universal sympathy because of her untiring vigil in the sickroom, where she remained continuously for ten days. Even on the last day she pitifully begged the physicians to gain a further respite for the dying Emperor.
Everything known to science was done to prolong the life of the sovereign. The whole nation watched pathetically, because the death of the Emperor would mark the end of an era in the history of Japan, and the people clung almost fiercely to the tradition with which the dying monarch appeared indissolubly linked.
Even as late as yesterday the Emperor showed marvelous vitality in resisting the approach of death. Although he had been unconscious since dawn, his heart continued to beat, and he made occasional feeble movements with his hands or tongue whenever his lips were moistened, while his rapid, feeble breathing showed that he was making a supreme struggle.
All the imperial Princes were summoned to the sickchamber Sunday evening. They were present at the noon examination yesterday by the Court physicians, who found his Majesty's pulse very feeble. The pulse beats had increased to 146, while the patient's fingers and toes had turned to a purple hue.
At 10 o'clock last night the physicians' bulletin said the imperial patient's temperature had increased, and his condition was more serious.
Prince Sadanaru Fushimi, the Emperor's cousin, and three other Princes left the palace for a short rest at 6 o'clock in the evening, but the Crown Prince and most of the Cabinet Ministers remained in a room adjoining the sickchamber, awaiting the inevitable end.
Burial to Be at Kioto.
The date for the funeral of Mutsuhito has not yet been fixed, but probably it will take place within a month at Kioto, where the Emperor had expressed a desire to be buried, on the site of Maruyama Palace, built by Hideyoshi in the sixteenth century. The old form funeral ceremonies will doubtless be modified considerably because it is impossible to adapt old usages to modern conditions, but many unique customs will be retained.
Under the household law the public coronation of Emperor Yoshihito must be held at Kioto. This will probably take place about one year hence. It is believed that business will be interfered with as little as possible. All entertainments will cease for a protracted period, which so far has not been designated.
A new era begins, the name of which will be announced to-morrow, together with other details on which the Council of State is now engaged. There is a possibility that a special session of Parliament will be called, to obtain the fullest co-operation,
It is not believed that the accession of the new Emperor will change the policies of Japan.
Yoshihito is highly respected by his subjects, and ceremonies in connection with his accession, under the Constitution promulgated by his father, invest his person and surroundings with the same sacredness as his predecessor.
The American Ambassador, Charles Page Bryan, was the first caller at the palace after the announcement of the death of the Emperor. He was accompanied by Charles J. Arnell, Japanese Secretary and Interpreter, and presented condolences.
All the powers have been notified, and the foreign representatives will call at the palace to-morrow.
Sunday, July 29, 2012
Bull Moose All There Is To The Third Party.
New York Times 100 years ago today, July 29, 1912:
That Is Why Progressive Republicans Are Flocking to Wilson Standard.
There Is only one really Progressive candidate for President in the field, and his name is Woodrow Wilson. Nobody seriously regards Mr. Roosevelt as anything but — Mr. Roosevelt; a mere symptom of the times. Nobody thinks that he would make a safe or sane President; he had a fair trial for seven long and weary years. Nobody thinks he can be elected President; even Mr. Munsey thinks that his race is run. That is to say, nobody excepting Pinchot and Garfield and a few others of like kidney, whose political judgment has been warped by personal disappointments, and who, after the manner of the ancients in dealing with the scapegoat, would unload their troubles upon the chief Bull Moose wandering in the political wilderness.
Nobody thinks in his heart that the Colonel is dependable in politics. He bucks. He won't stand, hitched or unhitched. He is for or against anything and everybody which is not for him. He is the new Third Party, or thinks he is; but he isn't. There is, in fact, no Third Party; there will be no Third Party. Very few hotel reservations have been made for it in Chicago, although the convention hall will be filled, doubtless, with a wild concourse of people of one sort and another. Enough tickets have been sold, or will be sold, to pay for the rent of the hall. Men who "have money to burn" like the excitement but the balloon will burst. The people are beginning to see what a miserable farce the play really is. There is nothing in the movement to which the people can hang; nothing but the Colonel, and he knows it, and they know it. Why not call it off? Why not say we have boiled down the juice and it won't jell," and let it go at that?
* * *
"Out in the cow country" there are at times frightful stampedes among the steers, but there has been no stampede this year, and there will be none. The cattle have behaved uncommonly well. They know where the grass is green and the water good, and they cannot be frightened by the voices of the night and the political Indians who have been trying to make them run. The people are progressive — rather too progressive for their own good, it may be — but they are progressing toward the true progressive camp this time, and are looking to Wilson and not to Roosevelt, because, as they see it, there is something really tangible, something understandable, in what Wilson has said and in what Wilson's party has done, whereas they have had nothing from Roosevelt but mixed and uncertain and impracticable declarations, "subject to change without notice."
* * *
This, at any rate, is the steadily growing impression throughout the Middle West and in Pennsylvania; Flinn cares nothing especially for Roosevelt. Flinn is for Flinn, and against Penrose. In Pennsylvania, as it is in Ohio, and Indiana, and Michigan, and Illinois, and Missouri, it is a fight of the newer would-be bosses against the older and more seasoned bosses, of new machines against old machines. If Flinn thought for a moment that he could make more for himself and his followers by dropping Roosevelt than by holding on to him, he would not hesitate a moment. It is so in the other States named and with the new men, who, having, been turned out to grass by the old bosses, would now be bosses in their own right and for their own purposes.
* * *
Men who have been disappointed, who have not gotten what they wanted, who have been "sat down on," who have worked without such reward as they expected, are behind the Bull Moose movement. There is no principle involved in their following after the impossible and irresponsible leader of the present movement. How could there be in view of the chief men engaged in this wild adventure? Those who are seriously minded in political matters and who do not feel that anything is to be gained by sticking to the Bull Moose — and their name is Legion — will in the end make their way into the Democratic camp because, as they frankly acknowledge, the only Progressive Party this year is the Democratic Party, and Woodrow Wilson is its prophet.
* * *
This is what a high Republican leader in Indiana meant when he said a week or ten days ago: "There are ten thousand men sitting on the fence in Indiana waiting for developments." This is what the Republican leader in Pennsylvania meant when he said that "three-fourths of the Flinn people in this State do not care a fig for Roosevelt." This is what the Republican leader in St Louis meant when he said: "Roosevelt is really no longer an issue in Missouri; the people are after a Progressive candidate who means something and can do something." This is what Gov. Osborn of Michigan meant when he said that although he had started the movement among the Governors for Roosevelt and would vote for Roosevelt electors if they should be named in Michigan, he had suggested that Roosevelt should not make the race for President and that Wilson was a good enough Progressive for him and for the true Progressives of the Badger State. This is what every man of sound and disposing mind means when he says that there is nothing in the Bull Moose cause but Roosevelt and that the hope of Progressive legislation and Progressive administration is in the success of the regular Democratic ticket.
* * *
Great political movements are not to be advanced or seriously considered that have only in view the gratification of the personal ambitions of impracticable and discredited leaders. There must be a good deal more in such matters than the personal equation. Really the issues in this campaign are greater than the candidates, and the candidate who most nearly stands for Progressive policies, or for the old policies fitted into new and becoming dress in keeping with the temper and genius of the times, explains why it is that so many thousand voters of the Republican order are drifting to Wilson.
J. C. H.
That Is Why Progressive Republicans Are Flocking to Wilson Standard.
There Is only one really Progressive candidate for President in the field, and his name is Woodrow Wilson. Nobody seriously regards Mr. Roosevelt as anything but — Mr. Roosevelt; a mere symptom of the times. Nobody thinks that he would make a safe or sane President; he had a fair trial for seven long and weary years. Nobody thinks he can be elected President; even Mr. Munsey thinks that his race is run. That is to say, nobody excepting Pinchot and Garfield and a few others of like kidney, whose political judgment has been warped by personal disappointments, and who, after the manner of the ancients in dealing with the scapegoat, would unload their troubles upon the chief Bull Moose wandering in the political wilderness.
Nobody thinks in his heart that the Colonel is dependable in politics. He bucks. He won't stand, hitched or unhitched. He is for or against anything and everybody which is not for him. He is the new Third Party, or thinks he is; but he isn't. There is, in fact, no Third Party; there will be no Third Party. Very few hotel reservations have been made for it in Chicago, although the convention hall will be filled, doubtless, with a wild concourse of people of one sort and another. Enough tickets have been sold, or will be sold, to pay for the rent of the hall. Men who "have money to burn" like the excitement but the balloon will burst. The people are beginning to see what a miserable farce the play really is. There is nothing in the movement to which the people can hang; nothing but the Colonel, and he knows it, and they know it. Why not call it off? Why not say we have boiled down the juice and it won't jell," and let it go at that?
* * *
"Out in the cow country" there are at times frightful stampedes among the steers, but there has been no stampede this year, and there will be none. The cattle have behaved uncommonly well. They know where the grass is green and the water good, and they cannot be frightened by the voices of the night and the political Indians who have been trying to make them run. The people are progressive — rather too progressive for their own good, it may be — but they are progressing toward the true progressive camp this time, and are looking to Wilson and not to Roosevelt, because, as they see it, there is something really tangible, something understandable, in what Wilson has said and in what Wilson's party has done, whereas they have had nothing from Roosevelt but mixed and uncertain and impracticable declarations, "subject to change without notice."
* * *
This, at any rate, is the steadily growing impression throughout the Middle West and in Pennsylvania; Flinn cares nothing especially for Roosevelt. Flinn is for Flinn, and against Penrose. In Pennsylvania, as it is in Ohio, and Indiana, and Michigan, and Illinois, and Missouri, it is a fight of the newer would-be bosses against the older and more seasoned bosses, of new machines against old machines. If Flinn thought for a moment that he could make more for himself and his followers by dropping Roosevelt than by holding on to him, he would not hesitate a moment. It is so in the other States named and with the new men, who, having, been turned out to grass by the old bosses, would now be bosses in their own right and for their own purposes.
* * *
Men who have been disappointed, who have not gotten what they wanted, who have been "sat down on," who have worked without such reward as they expected, are behind the Bull Moose movement. There is no principle involved in their following after the impossible and irresponsible leader of the present movement. How could there be in view of the chief men engaged in this wild adventure? Those who are seriously minded in political matters and who do not feel that anything is to be gained by sticking to the Bull Moose — and their name is Legion — will in the end make their way into the Democratic camp because, as they frankly acknowledge, the only Progressive Party this year is the Democratic Party, and Woodrow Wilson is its prophet.
* * *
This is what a high Republican leader in Indiana meant when he said a week or ten days ago: "There are ten thousand men sitting on the fence in Indiana waiting for developments." This is what the Republican leader in Pennsylvania meant when he said that "three-fourths of the Flinn people in this State do not care a fig for Roosevelt." This is what the Republican leader in St Louis meant when he said: "Roosevelt is really no longer an issue in Missouri; the people are after a Progressive candidate who means something and can do something." This is what Gov. Osborn of Michigan meant when he said that although he had started the movement among the Governors for Roosevelt and would vote for Roosevelt electors if they should be named in Michigan, he had suggested that Roosevelt should not make the race for President and that Wilson was a good enough Progressive for him and for the true Progressives of the Badger State. This is what every man of sound and disposing mind means when he says that there is nothing in the Bull Moose cause but Roosevelt and that the hope of Progressive legislation and Progressive administration is in the success of the regular Democratic ticket.
* * *
Great political movements are not to be advanced or seriously considered that have only in view the gratification of the personal ambitions of impracticable and discredited leaders. There must be a good deal more in such matters than the personal equation. Really the issues in this campaign are greater than the candidates, and the candidate who most nearly stands for Progressive policies, or for the old policies fitted into new and becoming dress in keeping with the temper and genius of the times, explains why it is that so many thousand voters of the Republican order are drifting to Wilson.
J. C. H.
Build Two Warships.
New York Times 100 years ago today, July 29, 1912:
Are the members of the Democratic majority in the House of Representatives willing to present an issue to the Third Party? The leader of that as yet nebulous body seems to hope so. He has been quick to make the upbuilding of the navy one of his "policies" while many of the Democratic Congressmen are still holding out against the building of even one battleship this year.
This is not a party question. The need of keeping up our navy is recognized by men of both the great parties throughout the country. They are sending letters and dispatches to their representatives in Washington urging them to vote for two battleships.
Two modem battleships should be laid down this year. A compromise on one will not satisfy the country. The Democrats are likely to lose many votes if they insist on lugging the navy into politics.
Are the members of the Democratic majority in the House of Representatives willing to present an issue to the Third Party? The leader of that as yet nebulous body seems to hope so. He has been quick to make the upbuilding of the navy one of his "policies" while many of the Democratic Congressmen are still holding out against the building of even one battleship this year.
This is not a party question. The need of keeping up our navy is recognized by men of both the great parties throughout the country. They are sending letters and dispatches to their representatives in Washington urging them to vote for two battleships.
Two modem battleships should be laid down this year. A compromise on one will not satisfy the country. The Democrats are likely to lose many votes if they insist on lugging the navy into politics.
More Power For The Sultan.
New York Times 100 years ago today, July 29, 1912:
Turkey's Grand Vizier Proposes to Let Him Dissolve Parliament.
Special Cable to The New York Times.
LONDON, Monday, July 29.— A Constantinople dispatch to The Times says:
"To-morrow the Grand Vizier will submit his programme to the Chamber. Should he obtain a vote of confidence he will propose an additional article to the Constitution, empowering the Sultan to dissolve the Parliament in exceptional circumstances.
"There is reason to believe that the Chamber will reject the proposal of the Grand Vizier, who has been informed by the most exalted authority that the Sultan will intrust him with the formation of the next Cabinet. This will be precisely similar to the present Ministry, which will resign.
"A second rejection of the proposal by the Chamber will entail the dissolution of Parliament, in accordance with Article 35, as soon as it is passed by the Senate."
Turkey's Grand Vizier Proposes to Let Him Dissolve Parliament.
Special Cable to The New York Times.
LONDON, Monday, July 29.— A Constantinople dispatch to The Times says:
"To-morrow the Grand Vizier will submit his programme to the Chamber. Should he obtain a vote of confidence he will propose an additional article to the Constitution, empowering the Sultan to dissolve the Parliament in exceptional circumstances.
"There is reason to believe that the Chamber will reject the proposal of the Grand Vizier, who has been informed by the most exalted authority that the Sultan will intrust him with the formation of the next Cabinet. This will be precisely similar to the present Ministry, which will resign.
"A second rejection of the proposal by the Chamber will entail the dissolution of Parliament, in accordance with Article 35, as soon as it is passed by the Senate."
Emperor Of Japan At Point Of Death.
New York Times 100 years ago today, July 29, 1912:
All Hope Is Abandoned and Imperial Princes Are Called to Palace.
COLLAPSED IN AFTERNOON
Stimulants Fall to Help Him — Temperature High, Heart Weak, Breathing Shallow.
TOKIO, Monday. July 20.— The condition of the Emperor of Japan is such as to cause all hope of his recovery to he abandoned. From dawn he has been unconscious. An examination by the Court physicians at 6 o'clock in the morning disclosed a high temperature, weak and rapid pulse, and shallow respiration, which was greatly accelerated from the previous night.
At 6 o'clock the official bulletin gave the pulse as 120 and respiration 48. At 9 o'clock his pulse had increased to 130 and was extremely weak and irregular.
The critical condition of the Emperor was announced in a bulletin last evening, and all the Imperial Princes were summoned to the palace. The physicians employed artificial measures to prolong life, but the injection of stimulants seemed to be of little avail. The temperature rose
from 100 to 102.3, which, with the increased heart action and shallow breathing, indicated that the Emperor could not for long withstand the calls upon his strength.
The Crown Prince and the Princes of the Imperial family, the members of the Cabinet, and Councillors remained at the palace throughout the night. The Ministers gathered in a room adjoining the sick chamber. The Empress retained her post at the bedside. Her unremitting vigil commands admiration everywhere.
Throughout the night diplomats and officials visited the palace. The American Ambassador, Charles Page Bryan, called at midnight.
A great multitude of people gathered in the outside park, praying and crying. The noise of their wooden clogs on the loose pebbles in the roadways was audible within the palace itself.
Since July 19, the date of the first serious attack, the Emperor has been in a critical condition, and his life has been maintained only by the use of injections, oxygen, and hot and cold packs. Reports from the sick room on several occasions brought hope to the people that the life of the Emperor might be prolonged, but the physicians issued a warning that a considerable period of time would have to elapse before assurances could be given regarding the outcome of the disease from which he was suffering.
The collapse of the Emperor became noticeable yesterday afternoon. An official bulletin announced that his pulse and respiration had become so irregular that it was impossible to take a count. The cramp had also developed in the arms and legs, and the injections of medicine were proving wholly ineffective. It was recognized then that the Emperor was sinking rapidly.
The manner in which the public has been taken into confidence by the officials regarding the Emperor's condition is an entirely new phase, and is much appreciated. One of the most prominent writers and a high authority on the history of Japan says that in 2,500 years the nation was never so close to the Emperor.
There is some indication of discontent with the attending physicians who are charged with adhering too closely to the convention surrounding the person of his Majesty, but prominent physician's outside the Court believe that everything possible has been done of late, though possibly in the earlier stages of the disease the Court physicians, who are of the old school, hesitated to place too strict injunctions upon the Emperor.
The authorities are urging the people not to neglect their business or the necessary activities of life. As a result, except for the theatres and musical entertainments, the life of the city moves almost normally, but there is a perceptible depression among even the lowest subjects.
All Hope Is Abandoned and Imperial Princes Are Called to Palace.
COLLAPSED IN AFTERNOON
Stimulants Fall to Help Him — Temperature High, Heart Weak, Breathing Shallow.
TOKIO, Monday. July 20.— The condition of the Emperor of Japan is such as to cause all hope of his recovery to he abandoned. From dawn he has been unconscious. An examination by the Court physicians at 6 o'clock in the morning disclosed a high temperature, weak and rapid pulse, and shallow respiration, which was greatly accelerated from the previous night.
At 6 o'clock the official bulletin gave the pulse as 120 and respiration 48. At 9 o'clock his pulse had increased to 130 and was extremely weak and irregular.
The critical condition of the Emperor was announced in a bulletin last evening, and all the Imperial Princes were summoned to the palace. The physicians employed artificial measures to prolong life, but the injection of stimulants seemed to be of little avail. The temperature rose
from 100 to 102.3, which, with the increased heart action and shallow breathing, indicated that the Emperor could not for long withstand the calls upon his strength.
The Crown Prince and the Princes of the Imperial family, the members of the Cabinet, and Councillors remained at the palace throughout the night. The Ministers gathered in a room adjoining the sick chamber. The Empress retained her post at the bedside. Her unremitting vigil commands admiration everywhere.
Throughout the night diplomats and officials visited the palace. The American Ambassador, Charles Page Bryan, called at midnight.
A great multitude of people gathered in the outside park, praying and crying. The noise of their wooden clogs on the loose pebbles in the roadways was audible within the palace itself.
Since July 19, the date of the first serious attack, the Emperor has been in a critical condition, and his life has been maintained only by the use of injections, oxygen, and hot and cold packs. Reports from the sick room on several occasions brought hope to the people that the life of the Emperor might be prolonged, but the physicians issued a warning that a considerable period of time would have to elapse before assurances could be given regarding the outcome of the disease from which he was suffering.
The collapse of the Emperor became noticeable yesterday afternoon. An official bulletin announced that his pulse and respiration had become so irregular that it was impossible to take a count. The cramp had also developed in the arms and legs, and the injections of medicine were proving wholly ineffective. It was recognized then that the Emperor was sinking rapidly.
The manner in which the public has been taken into confidence by the officials regarding the Emperor's condition is an entirely new phase, and is much appreciated. One of the most prominent writers and a high authority on the history of Japan says that in 2,500 years the nation was never so close to the Emperor.
There is some indication of discontent with the attending physicians who are charged with adhering too closely to the convention surrounding the person of his Majesty, but prominent physician's outside the Court believe that everything possible has been done of late, though possibly in the earlier stages of the disease the Court physicians, who are of the old school, hesitated to place too strict injunctions upon the Emperor.
The authorities are urging the people not to neglect their business or the necessary activities of life. As a result, except for the theatres and musical entertainments, the life of the city moves almost normally, but there is a perceptible depression among even the lowest subjects.
Tariff Tangle Still Annoying Congress.
New York Times 100 years ago today, July 29, 1912:
Little Hope for Any of the Bills Becoming Laws Except That Reducing Sugar Duties.
PENROSE PLANS A NEW COUP
May Keep Enough Regular Republicans Away to Let the Democrats Pass Their Wool Bill.
Special to The New York Times.
WASHINGTON, July 28.— With three Tariff bills and the excise measure already in conference, Congress seems no closer to a solution of the legislative snarl than it was a month ago. This does not mean that Congress is committed to another month of tariff tinkering, but it does mean that, except for the Sugar bill, which passed the Senate yesterday, the fate of every measure involved is as much in doubt as ever. The President's references to the subject in his speech of acceptance on Thursday may point the way out, but nobody knows yet what he will say.
It does seem almost certain that the Sugar bill in practically the form which it passed the Senate will be signed by the President. That measure is unincumbered by amendments except the general substitute in rates which the Senate supplied instead of the House drafts. But even those rates are admitted by both parties and all three factions to be lower than the existing law. In the Senate only two Democrats were against the measure. It is simply a question of days before the House, or the House managers, if it goes to conference, decide to accept the Senate substitute or something like it.
But the situation as to the other measures is not so simple. Weeks ago the Steel bill passed the Senate, carrying with it Mr. Penrose's favorite remedy for all tariff evils — the amendment repealing Canadian reciprocity, and Imposing a duty of $2.75 a ton on print paper. As a result of that amendment the Steel bill has never even reached a formal conference, and it will not be heard of again this year.
The wool bill is in a still more perplexing tangle. Though the Democratic and regular Republican measures on this subject had to give way to the old La Follette bill of last year, that measure faces the possibility of the sharpest bit of Republican tactics that even Mr. Penrose ever devised. This is nothing less than directing enough regulars to absent themselves from the chamber to permit the Senate Democrats, even at this late stage, to move successfully the acceptance of the House bill. Such a plan, if carried out,would at once kill that bill, as there would be no chance of the President signing it.
But the regulars are beginning to waver in their plan of battle. Mr. La Follette has served notice that he will make a hard fight against such tactics, and though it is not apparent where he will get his strength to force things in the direction he desires, the Republican leaders in their new, awakening to the possibility of harmony on tariff matters are not anxious for a fight. They say now that it is possible a real effort will be made to adjust the differences between the two houses.
Such a compromise would, of course leave the way open for the President to sign the La Follette bill. It could be urged for him that the conferees were guided by the Tariff Board's report on wool, even if the House committee ignored it and the Senate measure as passed was drafted a year before the report was written. But it is still uncertain that the President will accept it. Indeed, unless it seems probable that something like a wool bill conforming to some idea of the wool report can emerge from conference it is more likely that the regulars will take the bit in their teeth in the old-fashioned way and kill the whole bill by permitting the Democrats to pass their own measure.
The Excise bill has the disadvantage of being considered in general by the President as unconstitutional. But it looks as if he will be saved from vetoing it by the Canadian amendment, which is attached to it. The House, it is thought, will pass no measure carrying that amendment, so that, with the Steel bill, the excise levy will sleep on in a nominal conference for which the conferrees never gather.
Little Hope for Any of the Bills Becoming Laws Except That Reducing Sugar Duties.
PENROSE PLANS A NEW COUP
May Keep Enough Regular Republicans Away to Let the Democrats Pass Their Wool Bill.
Special to The New York Times.
WASHINGTON, July 28.— With three Tariff bills and the excise measure already in conference, Congress seems no closer to a solution of the legislative snarl than it was a month ago. This does not mean that Congress is committed to another month of tariff tinkering, but it does mean that, except for the Sugar bill, which passed the Senate yesterday, the fate of every measure involved is as much in doubt as ever. The President's references to the subject in his speech of acceptance on Thursday may point the way out, but nobody knows yet what he will say.
It does seem almost certain that the Sugar bill in practically the form which it passed the Senate will be signed by the President. That measure is unincumbered by amendments except the general substitute in rates which the Senate supplied instead of the House drafts. But even those rates are admitted by both parties and all three factions to be lower than the existing law. In the Senate only two Democrats were against the measure. It is simply a question of days before the House, or the House managers, if it goes to conference, decide to accept the Senate substitute or something like it.
But the situation as to the other measures is not so simple. Weeks ago the Steel bill passed the Senate, carrying with it Mr. Penrose's favorite remedy for all tariff evils — the amendment repealing Canadian reciprocity, and Imposing a duty of $2.75 a ton on print paper. As a result of that amendment the Steel bill has never even reached a formal conference, and it will not be heard of again this year.
The wool bill is in a still more perplexing tangle. Though the Democratic and regular Republican measures on this subject had to give way to the old La Follette bill of last year, that measure faces the possibility of the sharpest bit of Republican tactics that even Mr. Penrose ever devised. This is nothing less than directing enough regulars to absent themselves from the chamber to permit the Senate Democrats, even at this late stage, to move successfully the acceptance of the House bill. Such a plan, if carried out,would at once kill that bill, as there would be no chance of the President signing it.
But the regulars are beginning to waver in their plan of battle. Mr. La Follette has served notice that he will make a hard fight against such tactics, and though it is not apparent where he will get his strength to force things in the direction he desires, the Republican leaders in their new, awakening to the possibility of harmony on tariff matters are not anxious for a fight. They say now that it is possible a real effort will be made to adjust the differences between the two houses.
Such a compromise would, of course leave the way open for the President to sign the La Follette bill. It could be urged for him that the conferees were guided by the Tariff Board's report on wool, even if the House committee ignored it and the Senate measure as passed was drafted a year before the report was written. But it is still uncertain that the President will accept it. Indeed, unless it seems probable that something like a wool bill conforming to some idea of the wool report can emerge from conference it is more likely that the regulars will take the bit in their teeth in the old-fashioned way and kill the whole bill by permitting the Democrats to pass their own measure.
The Excise bill has the disadvantage of being considered in general by the President as unconstitutional. But it looks as if he will be saved from vetoing it by the Canadian amendment, which is attached to it. The House, it is thought, will pass no measure carrying that amendment, so that, with the Steel bill, the excise levy will sleep on in a nominal conference for which the conferrees never gather.
May Get One Battleship.
New York Times 100 years ago today, July 29, 1912:
Democrats Alarmed by Growth of Sulzer Movement In House.
Special to The New York Times.
WASHINGTON, July 28.— The conflict within Democratic ranks over the naval increase programme, precipitated by the decision of the House Democratic caucus against any battleships at this time, has become so serious that party leaders have arranged a postponement of the contest in the House in the hope that the big and little navy factions may be brought together without injury or stultification to the party.
Originally it was the plan to call up the conference report on the Naval Appropriation bill in the House on Tuesday. This is only a partial report in which the conferrees agreed on everything but the disputed naval programme. The Senate has adopted the partial report.
Representative Sulzer's petition urging Democrats to join with the Republican minority in voting for a motion to concur in the Senate two battleship amendment is being circulated, and the leaders are hoping the factions may compromise on one battleship. In an effort to line up the forces that way, Chairman Padgett of the House Naval Committee has announced that he will not call up the naval conference report before Thursday, instead of Tuesday, and if a compromise cannot be reached by that day, there may be no action before next week.
The battleship advocates feel confident they will force through at least one battleship, possibly two.
Democrats Alarmed by Growth of Sulzer Movement In House.
Special to The New York Times.
WASHINGTON, July 28.— The conflict within Democratic ranks over the naval increase programme, precipitated by the decision of the House Democratic caucus against any battleships at this time, has become so serious that party leaders have arranged a postponement of the contest in the House in the hope that the big and little navy factions may be brought together without injury or stultification to the party.
Originally it was the plan to call up the conference report on the Naval Appropriation bill in the House on Tuesday. This is only a partial report in which the conferrees agreed on everything but the disputed naval programme. The Senate has adopted the partial report.
Representative Sulzer's petition urging Democrats to join with the Republican minority in voting for a motion to concur in the Senate two battleship amendment is being circulated, and the leaders are hoping the factions may compromise on one battleship. In an effort to line up the forces that way, Chairman Padgett of the House Naval Committee has announced that he will not call up the naval conference report before Thursday, instead of Tuesday, and if a compromise cannot be reached by that day, there may be no action before next week.
The battleship advocates feel confident they will force through at least one battleship, possibly two.
Saturday, July 28, 2012
Canal Bill Action Waits.
New York Times 100 years ago today, July 28, 1912:
British Embassy not to Add to Its Note of Protest.
Special to The New York Times.
WASHINGTON, July 27.— The State Department was informed to-day by the British Charge' d'Affaires, A. Mitchell Innes, that his Government would have nothing to add at present to his note of July 8, setting forth England's objections to discriminatory tolls favoring American, ships through the Panama Canal.
As these dispatches pointed out three days ago, the formal argumentative note from Great Britain, though expected a week ago, has not arrived, and the belief now is that it will be withheld unless action by the Senate seems to call for more strenuous objections from Great Britain. Nothing is expected to happen diplomatically in the matter for at least another week, as it will certainly take that long for the Senate's opinion to crystallize into a vote.
Chairman Brandegee, of the committee in charge of the bill expects it to resume consideration of the bill on Monday, but there are half-a-dozen speeches to be presented, and this measure will necessarily give way to appropriation bills. No accurate poll of the Senate on the question of no tolls has yet been made.
British Embassy not to Add to Its Note of Protest.
Special to The New York Times.
WASHINGTON, July 27.— The State Department was informed to-day by the British Charge' d'Affaires, A. Mitchell Innes, that his Government would have nothing to add at present to his note of July 8, setting forth England's objections to discriminatory tolls favoring American, ships through the Panama Canal.
As these dispatches pointed out three days ago, the formal argumentative note from Great Britain, though expected a week ago, has not arrived, and the belief now is that it will be withheld unless action by the Senate seems to call for more strenuous objections from Great Britain. Nothing is expected to happen diplomatically in the matter for at least another week, as it will certainly take that long for the Senate's opinion to crystallize into a vote.
Chairman Brandegee, of the committee in charge of the bill expects it to resume consideration of the bill on Monday, but there are half-a-dozen speeches to be presented, and this measure will necessarily give way to appropriation bills. No accurate poll of the Senate on the question of no tolls has yet been made.
New Turkish Plan To End Italian War
New York Times 100 years ago today, July 28, 1912:
Rome Sounded on Project for the Acquisition of Tripolitania.
AN EMPTY TITLE, HOWEVER
For Italy Must Engage to Promote Civilization Along Moslem Lines and Pay Pensions to Arab Widows.
ROME, July 19.— With the fall of the Cabinet of Said Pasha, in which the most conspicuous figure is Mahmud Shefket, who has all along pleaded for an energetic continuation of the war with Italy, it is quite likely that peace will shortly loom large on the horizon. The internal affairs of Turkey urgently demand this measure. It is more than likely as any new Cabinet formed will have distinctly British sympathies, that Great Britain and France will be the powers which will take the initiative in acting respectively for Turkey and Italy.
Already the Government has been sounded here as to what it would accept to cease hostilities, and it is known that the following scheme, sent privately and unofficially from Constantinople, is being Considered by the Italian Government. Although it is not likely that it will be accepted in its present form, should Italy's reply — also private and unofficial — be accepted by the new Turkish Government, then it is likely that the British and French Ambassadors in Rome will at once proceed with a protocol. The Turkish draft of the project for a treaty of peace reads as follows:
The Treaty of Peace.
(The first and only article.) Insplred by the mutual admiration of the bravery of the troops hitherto opposed to each other, remembering the ancient and long-lasting peace and friendship, existing between Turkey and Italy, and wishing, to re-establish and continue such a friendship the two contracting Powers have united themselves to decare that peace between Turkey and Italy is re-established.
PROTOCOL ADDITIONAL.
ARTICLE I.
In execution of the treaty of peace happily concluded to-day the two contracting powers have agreed to what here follows:
(a) Turkish troops in Tripolitania will return to Constantinople within a month from the day of the ratification of the treaty of peace.
(b)Italian troops are to render to the departing Turkish troops full military honors.
(c) The Turkish Government will exercise their influence with the Mohammedan population to facilitate to the Italian authorities the establishment and preservation of peace and order, for which object the Italian Authorities will have full military, administrative, and political powers.
ARTICLE II.
The Italian Government-engages:
1. To respect the religion and the nationality of the Mohammedan population of Tripolitania.
2. To allow the population to have their own national schools, in which, beside the sciences and Italian and other foreign languages, the Alkoran shall be taught by competent Mohammedan teachers, as well as the Arabic language and writing.
3. For the keeping of mosques, schools, priests, teachers, and other servants, of the mosques and the schools, the Italian Government would furnish a capital of 10,000,000 francs, the interest of which should be used in payment of the priests, teachers, and other servants of mosques and schools. That fund could be augmented by the subsequent decisions of the Italian Government and by voluntary charitable bequests. It will be administered by a body elected by the Mohammedans themselves, under the supervision of the Tripolitan Board of Education.
4. The Italian Government engages to grant pensions to the widows and orphans of the Arabs fallen on the battlefield during the war.
5. The Mohammedans of Tripolitania will have the liberty to consider the Shiekh-ul-Islam of Constantinople as their highest religious authority in purely, religious questions.
6. On the existing forts and fortifications on all festival occasions the standard with the Crescent shall be raised up simultaneously with the Italian Standard, and kept there as long as this one is kept.
7. In compensation for the revenue which the Imperial Turkish Treasury had from Tripolitania, the financial department of Tripolitania will every year send to the Imperial Treasury a sum of half a million of francs.
8. All the islands occupied by the Italian troops will be reoccupied by the Turkish troops.
ARTICLE III.
This Protocol will be ratified at the same time with the Treaty of Peace, of which it forms an integral part.
Rome Sounded on Project for the Acquisition of Tripolitania.
AN EMPTY TITLE, HOWEVER
For Italy Must Engage to Promote Civilization Along Moslem Lines and Pay Pensions to Arab Widows.
ROME, July 19.— With the fall of the Cabinet of Said Pasha, in which the most conspicuous figure is Mahmud Shefket, who has all along pleaded for an energetic continuation of the war with Italy, it is quite likely that peace will shortly loom large on the horizon. The internal affairs of Turkey urgently demand this measure. It is more than likely as any new Cabinet formed will have distinctly British sympathies, that Great Britain and France will be the powers which will take the initiative in acting respectively for Turkey and Italy.
Already the Government has been sounded here as to what it would accept to cease hostilities, and it is known that the following scheme, sent privately and unofficially from Constantinople, is being Considered by the Italian Government. Although it is not likely that it will be accepted in its present form, should Italy's reply — also private and unofficial — be accepted by the new Turkish Government, then it is likely that the British and French Ambassadors in Rome will at once proceed with a protocol. The Turkish draft of the project for a treaty of peace reads as follows:
The Treaty of Peace.
(The first and only article.) Insplred by the mutual admiration of the bravery of the troops hitherto opposed to each other, remembering the ancient and long-lasting peace and friendship, existing between Turkey and Italy, and wishing, to re-establish and continue such a friendship the two contracting Powers have united themselves to decare that peace between Turkey and Italy is re-established.
PROTOCOL ADDITIONAL.
ARTICLE I.
In execution of the treaty of peace happily concluded to-day the two contracting powers have agreed to what here follows:
(a) Turkish troops in Tripolitania will return to Constantinople within a month from the day of the ratification of the treaty of peace.
(b)Italian troops are to render to the departing Turkish troops full military honors.
(c) The Turkish Government will exercise their influence with the Mohammedan population to facilitate to the Italian authorities the establishment and preservation of peace and order, for which object the Italian Authorities will have full military, administrative, and political powers.
ARTICLE II.
The Italian Government-engages:
1. To respect the religion and the nationality of the Mohammedan population of Tripolitania.
2. To allow the population to have their own national schools, in which, beside the sciences and Italian and other foreign languages, the Alkoran shall be taught by competent Mohammedan teachers, as well as the Arabic language and writing.
3. For the keeping of mosques, schools, priests, teachers, and other servants, of the mosques and the schools, the Italian Government would furnish a capital of 10,000,000 francs, the interest of which should be used in payment of the priests, teachers, and other servants of mosques and schools. That fund could be augmented by the subsequent decisions of the Italian Government and by voluntary charitable bequests. It will be administered by a body elected by the Mohammedans themselves, under the supervision of the Tripolitan Board of Education.
4. The Italian Government engages to grant pensions to the widows and orphans of the Arabs fallen on the battlefield during the war.
5. The Mohammedans of Tripolitania will have the liberty to consider the Shiekh-ul-Islam of Constantinople as their highest religious authority in purely, religious questions.
6. On the existing forts and fortifications on all festival occasions the standard with the Crescent shall be raised up simultaneously with the Italian Standard, and kept there as long as this one is kept.
7. In compensation for the revenue which the Imperial Turkish Treasury had from Tripolitania, the financial department of Tripolitania will every year send to the Imperial Treasury a sum of half a million of francs.
8. All the islands occupied by the Italian troops will be reoccupied by the Turkish troops.
ARTICLE III.
This Protocol will be ratified at the same time with the Treaty of Peace, of which it forms an integral part.
Mormon Menace Alarms Germany.
New York Times 100 years ago today, July 28, 1912:
Propaganda Said to be Making Great Headway Despite Authorities' Efforts.
ACTIVE IN LONDON SUBURBS
Missionaries from Utah Find It Easy to Interest Domestic Servants — Clergy Start a Counter-Campaign.
Special Cable to The New York Times.
BERLIN, July 27.— Under the heading, "Mormon Menace In Germany," the National Zeitung publishes an article, ascribed to a woman belonging to the highest circles, who declares that she speaks with a knowledge of thirteen years' closest association with the sect,
and asserts that its propaganda is making great headway here, despite all the efforts of the authorities to discover and expel the Mormon missionaries, of whom two, it will be recalled, were recently driven out of Bavaria.
She declares that polygamy is secretly taught and practiced despite the Mormon Church's proclamation following the Edmunds act, and describes a meeting at Salt Lake which was held a year or two later.
She asserts that she attended this meeting, which she describes as a meeting of the pillars of the Church, and describes it as follows:
"All polygamists were dissatisfied with the anti-polygamy order which had been issued by the Church President, and this meeting had been called to permit the President to explain the order. He said:
" 'We hold unconditionally to the revelation which our prophet, Joseph Smith, laid down in the Book of Mormon. There are three heavens or grades of perfection. Every one, man or woman, bachelor or maid, may enter the first.
" 'Into the second can enter only the man who has had more than one wife and the woman who is the first or second wife of one man. Into the highest can enter only the man who has had more than two wives and the woman who is one of three or more wives.'
"I heard this announcement with my own ears."
The writer declares that the missionaries are working successfully in Germany, Great Britain, and Scandinavia.
No Mormon can enter Germany if his belief is discovered, and cases of their expulsion are not infrequent; but it is undoubtedly true that their propaganda is carried on vigorously here despite all obstacles.
It will be recalled that Sweden recently expelled two Mormon missionaries and issued a warning list containing the names of twenty-nine others, who undoubtedly will be expelled if they attempt active proselyting.
It may be remarked apropos of the Mormon situation in Germany that not only the Mormon but all religious propagandism outside the established churches meets with manifold hindrances. Members of the Salvation Army, for example, are not permitted to sing, pray, or parade in the streets or to preach publicly. Moreover, the courts have just held that the selling of The War Cry must be considered a gainful business undertaking, as such rendering the army liable to industrial taxation.
Propaganda Said to be Making Great Headway Despite Authorities' Efforts.
ACTIVE IN LONDON SUBURBS
Missionaries from Utah Find It Easy to Interest Domestic Servants — Clergy Start a Counter-Campaign.
Special Cable to The New York Times.
BERLIN, July 27.— Under the heading, "Mormon Menace In Germany," the National Zeitung publishes an article, ascribed to a woman belonging to the highest circles, who declares that she speaks with a knowledge of thirteen years' closest association with the sect,
and asserts that its propaganda is making great headway here, despite all the efforts of the authorities to discover and expel the Mormon missionaries, of whom two, it will be recalled, were recently driven out of Bavaria.
She declares that polygamy is secretly taught and practiced despite the Mormon Church's proclamation following the Edmunds act, and describes a meeting at Salt Lake which was held a year or two later.
She asserts that she attended this meeting, which she describes as a meeting of the pillars of the Church, and describes it as follows:
"All polygamists were dissatisfied with the anti-polygamy order which had been issued by the Church President, and this meeting had been called to permit the President to explain the order. He said:
" 'We hold unconditionally to the revelation which our prophet, Joseph Smith, laid down in the Book of Mormon. There are three heavens or grades of perfection. Every one, man or woman, bachelor or maid, may enter the first.
" 'Into the second can enter only the man who has had more than one wife and the woman who is the first or second wife of one man. Into the highest can enter only the man who has had more than two wives and the woman who is one of three or more wives.'
"I heard this announcement with my own ears."
The writer declares that the missionaries are working successfully in Germany, Great Britain, and Scandinavia.
No Mormon can enter Germany if his belief is discovered, and cases of their expulsion are not infrequent; but it is undoubtedly true that their propaganda is carried on vigorously here despite all obstacles.
It will be recalled that Sweden recently expelled two Mormon missionaries and issued a warning list containing the names of twenty-nine others, who undoubtedly will be expelled if they attempt active proselyting.
It may be remarked apropos of the Mormon situation in Germany that not only the Mormon but all religious propagandism outside the established churches meets with manifold hindrances. Members of the Salvation Army, for example, are not permitted to sing, pray, or parade in the streets or to preach publicly. Moreover, the courts have just held that the selling of The War Cry must be considered a gainful business undertaking, as such rendering the army liable to industrial taxation.
The Fight For Two Ships.
New York Times 100 years ago today, July 28, 1912:
An attempt will be made to-morrow to hold another caucus of Democratic members of the House of Representatives and agree to a compromise on one battleship. Two is the number required. No intelligent objection to the construction of two new warships this year has been advanced by anybody. Congressmen disappointed in their expectations of appropriations for their districts propose to punish the whole country by hampering the upbuilding of the Navy. They are the same politicians, by the way, as The Army and Navy Journal suggested last week, who are proposing to "twist the lion's tail" because Great Britain has politely protested against a manifest misinterpretation of the canal treaty. They think it the height of patriotism to go about with chips on their shoulders, but the means of National defense they consider less important than public building contracts in their own constituencies.
Congressman Sulzer has taken a manly and truly patriotic stand in refusing to be bound in this matter of great National importance by the dictates of any party caucus. The Increase of the Navy is not a political matter. Democrats and Republicans alike throughout the country are anxious to have our Navy kept in its proper relative position. If no battleships are built this year we are bound to fall behind. If only one is built we shall still fail to keep our place, unless three are to be built next year.
Mr. Sulzer has found efficient support among his Democratic colleagues. If he stands out bravely he may win the fight. He can truthfully warn his fellow-members, if they persist in viewing the upbuilding of the Navy in a sordid, partisan way, that many votes for the Democratic candidates will be lost in November through adherence to the mistaken policy of crippling the Navy.
An attempt will be made to-morrow to hold another caucus of Democratic members of the House of Representatives and agree to a compromise on one battleship. Two is the number required. No intelligent objection to the construction of two new warships this year has been advanced by anybody. Congressmen disappointed in their expectations of appropriations for their districts propose to punish the whole country by hampering the upbuilding of the Navy. They are the same politicians, by the way, as The Army and Navy Journal suggested last week, who are proposing to "twist the lion's tail" because Great Britain has politely protested against a manifest misinterpretation of the canal treaty. They think it the height of patriotism to go about with chips on their shoulders, but the means of National defense they consider less important than public building contracts in their own constituencies.
Congressman Sulzer has taken a manly and truly patriotic stand in refusing to be bound in this matter of great National importance by the dictates of any party caucus. The Increase of the Navy is not a political matter. Democrats and Republicans alike throughout the country are anxious to have our Navy kept in its proper relative position. If no battleships are built this year we are bound to fall behind. If only one is built we shall still fail to keep our place, unless three are to be built next year.
Mr. Sulzer has found efficient support among his Democratic colleagues. If he stands out bravely he may win the fight. He can truthfully warn his fellow-members, if they persist in viewing the upbuilding of the Navy in a sordid, partisan way, that many votes for the Democratic candidates will be lost in November through adherence to the mistaken policy of crippling the Navy.
Democrats Divided By Battleship Issue.
New York Times 100 years ago today, July 28, 1912:
Caucus Action Not in Accord with Platform or Views of Presidential Candidate.
SULZER'S STAND APPROVED
Charles A. Towne, Representative Smith, and Other Democrats Join Him in Demand for More Ships.
Special to The New York Times.
WASHINGTON, July 27- House Democrats are beginning to feel the sting of criticism from back home on the incongruity of the declaration of the Democratic National platform on battleships and the caucus action declaring against the authorization of two battleships. Many are afraid that the difference between the two declarations will have a disastrous effect on the prospects of the Democratic National ticket, and Eastern and Middle Western Democratic members have heard within the last few days some very plain talk from home about the attitude of the majority in the lower house.
The agitation of the question whether the United States has the right to the use of the Panama Canal as a military defense, and also whether American merchant vessels shall have free tolls in order to bring down transcontinental freight rates for the benefit of Eastern and Middle Western sections, has awakened the people to the grave necessity for a strong navy. The consciousness among the great mass of American voters that the ultimate force of an argument in diplomacy where great commercial interests clash behind the pour-parlers of the foreign offices is the number and fighting strength of a navy is having its effect on the situation.
Many Congressmen are getting letters from their constituents saying that the House majority should wake up and begin to get in line with the candidate of tile Democratic Party for President. From some sections reports come that the third party people are making a good deal of talk about the battleship question, and if it keeps up it is likely to be a full-fledged issue. Some urge that the dogmatic decision of the House Democratic caucus, in spite of the declaration of the Baltimore platform, augurs badly for the kind of administration the Democratic Party is going to give the country.
To save by refusing to build battleships indicates that the same policy may be followed along the whole line of public expenditures, which would tend to unsettle business conditions all over the country and bring on within the next two years a condition of business distrust that would lead to the conditions which the country had under Grover Cleveland. This idea is already, certain Eastern Congressmen say, beginning to be heard in the current political discussion of the day, and may have a disastrous influence on the campaign.
Northern Democrats have been comparing notes in the last few days, and they confess that they see very little prospect for the success of any effort to reconcile the position of the party in Congress and the position of the party at large in its platform. There was great disappointment among many Democrats that when the platform declared for a strong navy the majority in the House did not abandon its previous caucus action and come out squarely in line with the later utterance, which has the force of popular authority.
Charles A. Towne of New York City, once Democratic Senator from Minnesota, then member of Congress from New York, has written a letter to Representative William Sulzer of New York, telling him the Democrats of the House are Inviting party disaster and "National humiliation" by their attitude against the authorization of battleships at this session. This letter was written to Mr. Sulzer because the latter is leading a fight against the Democratic caucus decision against battleships, and says he will not be bound by the caucus action, and that he intends to vote with the Republican side for two battleships at the first opportunity. Mr. Towne says in his letter:
Let me thank you for your activity in attempting to save the Democratic Party in Congress not only from the awful responsibility of inviting party disaster, which is bad enough, but also National humiliation, which is infinitely worse, by failing to pass the appropriation for two battleships.
He is blind who cannot, and worse than blind who will not, see that any hope of the maintenance of the Monroe Doctrine and of the meeting of our responsibilities in the Pacific becomes, in the absence of an adequate navy, as vain as the dream of a dreamer who dreams that he dreams.
From Representative Charles B. Smith of Buffalo came this telegram:
Please put my name on list in favor of battleships. Will be there to vote for it.
Caucus Action Not in Accord with Platform or Views of Presidential Candidate.
SULZER'S STAND APPROVED
Charles A. Towne, Representative Smith, and Other Democrats Join Him in Demand for More Ships.
Special to The New York Times.
WASHINGTON, July 27- House Democrats are beginning to feel the sting of criticism from back home on the incongruity of the declaration of the Democratic National platform on battleships and the caucus action declaring against the authorization of two battleships. Many are afraid that the difference between the two declarations will have a disastrous effect on the prospects of the Democratic National ticket, and Eastern and Middle Western Democratic members have heard within the last few days some very plain talk from home about the attitude of the majority in the lower house.
The agitation of the question whether the United States has the right to the use of the Panama Canal as a military defense, and also whether American merchant vessels shall have free tolls in order to bring down transcontinental freight rates for the benefit of Eastern and Middle Western sections, has awakened the people to the grave necessity for a strong navy. The consciousness among the great mass of American voters that the ultimate force of an argument in diplomacy where great commercial interests clash behind the pour-parlers of the foreign offices is the number and fighting strength of a navy is having its effect on the situation.
Many Congressmen are getting letters from their constituents saying that the House majority should wake up and begin to get in line with the candidate of tile Democratic Party for President. From some sections reports come that the third party people are making a good deal of talk about the battleship question, and if it keeps up it is likely to be a full-fledged issue. Some urge that the dogmatic decision of the House Democratic caucus, in spite of the declaration of the Baltimore platform, augurs badly for the kind of administration the Democratic Party is going to give the country.
To save by refusing to build battleships indicates that the same policy may be followed along the whole line of public expenditures, which would tend to unsettle business conditions all over the country and bring on within the next two years a condition of business distrust that would lead to the conditions which the country had under Grover Cleveland. This idea is already, certain Eastern Congressmen say, beginning to be heard in the current political discussion of the day, and may have a disastrous influence on the campaign.
Northern Democrats have been comparing notes in the last few days, and they confess that they see very little prospect for the success of any effort to reconcile the position of the party in Congress and the position of the party at large in its platform. There was great disappointment among many Democrats that when the platform declared for a strong navy the majority in the House did not abandon its previous caucus action and come out squarely in line with the later utterance, which has the force of popular authority.
Charles A. Towne of New York City, once Democratic Senator from Minnesota, then member of Congress from New York, has written a letter to Representative William Sulzer of New York, telling him the Democrats of the House are Inviting party disaster and "National humiliation" by their attitude against the authorization of battleships at this session. This letter was written to Mr. Sulzer because the latter is leading a fight against the Democratic caucus decision against battleships, and says he will not be bound by the caucus action, and that he intends to vote with the Republican side for two battleships at the first opportunity. Mr. Towne says in his letter:
Let me thank you for your activity in attempting to save the Democratic Party in Congress not only from the awful responsibility of inviting party disaster, which is bad enough, but also National humiliation, which is infinitely worse, by failing to pass the appropriation for two battleships.
He is blind who cannot, and worse than blind who will not, see that any hope of the maintenance of the Monroe Doctrine and of the meeting of our responsibilities in the Pacific becomes, in the absence of an adequate navy, as vain as the dream of a dreamer who dreams that he dreams.
From Representative Charles B. Smith of Buffalo came this telegram:
Please put my name on list in favor of battleships. Will be there to vote for it.
Old Border Claim Settled.
New York Times 100 years ago today, July 28, 1912:
United States to Pay Mexico for Disputed El Paso Tract.
WASHINGTON, July 27.— The Mexican Ambassador and the State Department to-day reached an agreement on the long-standing dispute regarding the ownership of the Chamizal tract of about 550 acres, forming part of the city of El Paso, Texas, on the basis of the purchase of the land from Mexico by the United States. The tract is believed to be worth approximately $1,000,000.
The tract involved has been for many years a part of the city of El Paso, about 6,000 inhabitants making their homes upon it. In 1894 Mexico submitted a claim to the land on the basis of its separation from Mexico by "avulsion" or a rapid cutting off owing to a change in the channel of the river. The Boundary Commission failing to agree, the matter was referred by treaty to another commission which on June 15, 1911, gave an opinion which, in effect, divided the territory in dispute between the two countries. This held that the land between the middle of the bed of the Rio Grande as it ran in 1852, and the middle of the bed of the river as it existed before the flood of 1864 was in the United States, and the title to the remainder in Mexico.
This decision brought forth a vigorous protest from the American Commissioner, who held that it would be totally impossible at present to locate the channel of 1864, and that the award was, therefore, impossible of execution.
Even the Mexican Government realized that it was impossible to carry out the decree of the commission, and agreed to settle the matter by direct negotiations with the United States Government. These have just terminated successfully, and it will now remain for the Governments of the two countries through their Congresses to ratify the agreement and for the United States to appropriate money to reimburse Mexico for the territory in question.
United States to Pay Mexico for Disputed El Paso Tract.
WASHINGTON, July 27.— The Mexican Ambassador and the State Department to-day reached an agreement on the long-standing dispute regarding the ownership of the Chamizal tract of about 550 acres, forming part of the city of El Paso, Texas, on the basis of the purchase of the land from Mexico by the United States. The tract is believed to be worth approximately $1,000,000.
The tract involved has been for many years a part of the city of El Paso, about 6,000 inhabitants making their homes upon it. In 1894 Mexico submitted a claim to the land on the basis of its separation from Mexico by "avulsion" or a rapid cutting off owing to a change in the channel of the river. The Boundary Commission failing to agree, the matter was referred by treaty to another commission which on June 15, 1911, gave an opinion which, in effect, divided the territory in dispute between the two countries. This held that the land between the middle of the bed of the Rio Grande as it ran in 1852, and the middle of the bed of the river as it existed before the flood of 1864 was in the United States, and the title to the remainder in Mexico.
This decision brought forth a vigorous protest from the American Commissioner, who held that it would be totally impossible at present to locate the channel of 1864, and that the award was, therefore, impossible of execution.
Even the Mexican Government realized that it was impossible to carry out the decree of the commission, and agreed to settle the matter by direct negotiations with the United States Government. These have just terminated successfully, and it will now remain for the Governments of the two countries through their Congresses to ratify the agreement and for the United States to appropriate money to reimburse Mexico for the territory in question.
Third Ticket In Utah.
New York Times 100 years ago today, July 28, 1912:
Three Hundred Roosevelt Delegates So Decide.
PROVO, Utah, July 27.— Three hundred delegates to the Progressive State Convention, representing almost every-county in the State, decided to-day to create a complete organization and make nominations for every office from Governor down. Wesly K. Walton, a former Republican State Senator, was made Chairman of the State Committee.
Eight delegates chosen to the National Progressive Convention in Chicago will be entitled to half a vote each.
Three Hundred Roosevelt Delegates So Decide.
PROVO, Utah, July 27.— Three hundred delegates to the Progressive State Convention, representing almost every-county in the State, decided to-day to create a complete organization and make nominations for every office from Governor down. Wesly K. Walton, a former Republican State Senator, was made Chairman of the State Committee.
Eight delegates chosen to the National Progressive Convention in Chicago will be entitled to half a vote each.
Compromise In Nebraska.
New York Times 100 years ago today, July 28, 1912:
Roosevelt Electors to Withdraw from Regular Ticket — Convention Close.
LINCOLN, Neb., July 27.— It became known here to-day that a plan was effected at a conference of Progressive and regular Republicans at a local hotel last night, whereby the Nebraska candidates for Presidential Electors on the Republican ticket who are favorable to Roosevelt would withdraw and their places be filled by men who, if elected, will cast their votes for President Taft.
Gov. Aldrich was a party to the conference, but it was reported at the State house to-day that he would refuse to carry out the agreement and would stand by his earlier position for Roosevelt.
Roosevelt Electors to Withdraw from Regular Ticket — Convention Close.
LINCOLN, Neb., July 27.— It became known here to-day that a plan was effected at a conference of Progressive and regular Republicans at a local hotel last night, whereby the Nebraska candidates for Presidential Electors on the Republican ticket who are favorable to Roosevelt would withdraw and their places be filled by men who, if elected, will cast their votes for President Taft.
Gov. Aldrich was a party to the conference, but it was reported at the State house to-day that he would refuse to carry out the agreement and would stand by his earlier position for Roosevelt.
Talk Of Taft Betrayal.
New York Times 100 years ago today, July 28, 1912:
Roosevelt's Cincinnati Backers Reveal Offer — Cox for Colonel.
Special to The New York Times.
CINCINNATI. Ohio, July 27.— Local backers of Col. Roosevelt's interests announced to-day that when it was definitely decided to put up a complete Progressive Republican county ticket in this, the home county of President Taft, they were approached by the President's backers with a promise to trade Taft votes for their county ticket support.
The statement further reads:
"They promised to knife Taft in return for our keeping a third local ticket out of the field."
Dr. A. O. Zwick. Chairman of the Roosevelt committee in Hamilton County, declared to-day that a call for a Roosevelt convention issued late on Friday by Attorney Amos F. Foster and others was without authority and would further the interests of the Cox organization.
Dr. Zwick said that his committee was the only one which had been recognized by the National Roosevelt Committee in Hamilton County. To this Mr. Foster replied:
"When the convention meets at Chicago you will see who is recognized by the National Roosevelt Committee."
Roosevelt's Cincinnati Backers Reveal Offer — Cox for Colonel.
Special to The New York Times.
CINCINNATI. Ohio, July 27.— Local backers of Col. Roosevelt's interests announced to-day that when it was definitely decided to put up a complete Progressive Republican county ticket in this, the home county of President Taft, they were approached by the President's backers with a promise to trade Taft votes for their county ticket support.
The statement further reads:
"They promised to knife Taft in return for our keeping a third local ticket out of the field."
Dr. A. O. Zwick. Chairman of the Roosevelt committee in Hamilton County, declared to-day that a call for a Roosevelt convention issued late on Friday by Attorney Amos F. Foster and others was without authority and would further the interests of the Cox organization.
Dr. Zwick said that his committee was the only one which had been recognized by the National Roosevelt Committee in Hamilton County. To this Mr. Foster replied:
"When the convention meets at Chicago you will see who is recognized by the National Roosevelt Committee."
Friday, July 27, 2012
Tokio In Suspense Awaits Ruler's End.
New York Times 100 years ago today, July 27, 1912:
Profound Hush Falls on the Capital with the Realization That Mikado's Death Is Very Near.
LITTLE HOPE IN BULLETINS
Thousands Gather About the Palace, Some Praying, Some Silent, and All Showing Profound Grief.
TOKIO, Saturday, July 27.— After twenty-four hours of great anxiety at the palace and extreme public tension in the face of the impending death or the Emperor, morning came with the ruler still alive. That the end is near is thought certain, but the statements from the attending physicians have been generally brief and unsatisfactory.
The noon bulletin issued to-day, however, showed a slight change for the better. It read:
After a period of restlessness earlier in the day, his Majesty is resting easy. His temperature taken at 9 o'clock this morning was 98.7, pulse 100, and respiration easy. The general condition of the patient is somewhat improved.
Earlier this morning the attending physicians declared the critical stage in the Emperor's illness was gradually increasing. The 8:30 A.M. bulletin said that His Majesty's temperature was 100.5, pulse 100, and respiration 28.
At that hour a minister of the household said that artificial methods to prolong the life of the Emperor were being continued and that an injection of salt solution would be tried during the day.
The suspense in the capital was intense all day yesterday and far into the evening. A remarkable hush prevailed over the city. Even during the busiest hours of the day almost the only sound heard was the occasional cry of newspaper boys selling extra editions. Outside the palace in the extreme heat of mid-day a patient crowd waited with bowed heads for news of his Majesty's condition.
Prince Aritomo Yamagata, President of the Privy Council; Marquis Kiumochi Saionji, the Premier, and Count Chiaki Watanabe, Minister of the Imperial Household, held a conference in the morning, during which they made preparations for eventualities. The Crown Prince, after a long stay in the imperial sickroom, returned to his residence soon after noon.
The regular bulletin issued at noon showed that the condition of the Emperor had become worse. It was plainly evident that his Majesty was thought to have reached a condition of extreme gravity and that the physicians were doing their utmost to sustain the remaining feeble spark of life.
The nature of his Majesty's malady, which is indicated as acute nephritis, complicated by uremic poisoning, and which began to cause serious alarm a week ago, prevented the imperial patient taking sufficient nourishment, and he was constantly growing Weaker.
The bulletins had hitherto maintained a hopeful tone, and it was hoped that his Majesty would rally again, but instead he appeared to have suffered a relapse, and it was feared that his heart could not stand the strain.
A bulletin issued at 8 o'clock in the evening contained merely the words, "No change." This only served to increase the feeling of anxiety.
At 10 o'clock at night the great park outside the entrances to the palace grounds presented a remarkable scene. Thousands of people were gathered under the dwarf pine trees, some of them silent, many praying, and all showing sorrowful anxiety.
Among the upper branches of the magnificent pine trees surrounding the palace, high above the outer park, several paper lanterns, showing recognition of the homage of the multitude, occasionally swung, as if showing that the vital spark still lingered and conveying a message of hope to the people.
Profound Hush Falls on the Capital with the Realization That Mikado's Death Is Very Near.
LITTLE HOPE IN BULLETINS
Thousands Gather About the Palace, Some Praying, Some Silent, and All Showing Profound Grief.
TOKIO, Saturday, July 27.— After twenty-four hours of great anxiety at the palace and extreme public tension in the face of the impending death or the Emperor, morning came with the ruler still alive. That the end is near is thought certain, but the statements from the attending physicians have been generally brief and unsatisfactory.
The noon bulletin issued to-day, however, showed a slight change for the better. It read:
After a period of restlessness earlier in the day, his Majesty is resting easy. His temperature taken at 9 o'clock this morning was 98.7, pulse 100, and respiration easy. The general condition of the patient is somewhat improved.
Earlier this morning the attending physicians declared the critical stage in the Emperor's illness was gradually increasing. The 8:30 A.M. bulletin said that His Majesty's temperature was 100.5, pulse 100, and respiration 28.
At that hour a minister of the household said that artificial methods to prolong the life of the Emperor were being continued and that an injection of salt solution would be tried during the day.
The suspense in the capital was intense all day yesterday and far into the evening. A remarkable hush prevailed over the city. Even during the busiest hours of the day almost the only sound heard was the occasional cry of newspaper boys selling extra editions. Outside the palace in the extreme heat of mid-day a patient crowd waited with bowed heads for news of his Majesty's condition.
Prince Aritomo Yamagata, President of the Privy Council; Marquis Kiumochi Saionji, the Premier, and Count Chiaki Watanabe, Minister of the Imperial Household, held a conference in the morning, during which they made preparations for eventualities. The Crown Prince, after a long stay in the imperial sickroom, returned to his residence soon after noon.
The regular bulletin issued at noon showed that the condition of the Emperor had become worse. It was plainly evident that his Majesty was thought to have reached a condition of extreme gravity and that the physicians were doing their utmost to sustain the remaining feeble spark of life.
The nature of his Majesty's malady, which is indicated as acute nephritis, complicated by uremic poisoning, and which began to cause serious alarm a week ago, prevented the imperial patient taking sufficient nourishment, and he was constantly growing Weaker.
The bulletins had hitherto maintained a hopeful tone, and it was hoped that his Majesty would rally again, but instead he appeared to have suffered a relapse, and it was feared that his heart could not stand the strain.
A bulletin issued at 8 o'clock in the evening contained merely the words, "No change." This only served to increase the feeling of anxiety.
At 10 o'clock at night the great park outside the entrances to the palace grounds presented a remarkable scene. Thousands of people were gathered under the dwarf pine trees, some of them silent, many praying, and all showing sorrowful anxiety.
Among the upper branches of the magnificent pine trees surrounding the palace, high above the outer park, several paper lanterns, showing recognition of the homage of the multitude, occasionally swung, as if showing that the vital spark still lingered and conveying a message of hope to the people.
Sulzer To Vote For Battleships.
New York Times 100 years ago today, July 27, 1912:
In Spite of Caucus Action, He Asks Democrats to Pledge Their Support of Two New Ships.
COMPROMISE SEEMS LIKELY
In Return for a $50,000,000 Public Building Bill Democrats May Vote for Naval Increase.
Special to The New York Times.
WASHINGTON, July 20.— An active campaign among the Democrats of the House for the authorization of two new battleships as part of this year's naval programme was begun to-day when Representative William Sulzer of New York, Chairman of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, wrote a letter to Chairman Burleson of the Democratic caucus declaring his intention to vote for the battleship programme regardless of the caucus action. Simultaneously, Mr. Sulzer and Representative Murray of Massachusetts began circulating a pledge among their Democratic colleagues binding them to vote for two battleships.
While Chairman Sulzer expressed hope that the Democratic majority will yet agree to the building of the new ships, he made it clear to-day that be believed if they could be obtained in no other way, they could be voted by a combination of Republicans and Democrats on grounds of lofty patriotism and non-partisanship. It was to bring about this that he began to circulate his pledge. Here it is:
We, the undersigned Democratic members of the House of Representatives, hereby pledge ourselves to vote for two battleships, and to use our efforts and our influence to have the conferrees of the House recede and concur in the Senate amendment authorizing the construction of two new battleships in the pending Naval Appropriation Bill.
Five Democrats have already signed this pledge — Messrs. Sulzer, Murray of Massachusetts, Hobson of Alabama, and Talbot and Konig of Maryland. Mr. Sulzer is confident that no less than 35 Democrats will subscribe, and is hopeful that when the 100 Democrats who were not present at the caucus the other night return to the House a majority of them will sustain the two-battleship programme.
The partial conference report on the Naval bill, which included an agreement on everything but the battleships, was agreed to by the senate to-day, and will be called up in the House on Tuesday.
There will probably be another Democratic caucus to-morrow night or Monday in an effort to obviate differences within the party and reach a compromise on one battleship. Some of the opponents of battleships have based their opposition on the refusal of the caucus to bring out an omnibus Public Buildings bill. One plan of compromise suggested is that in return for acquiescence in the adoption of the battleship programme at the session, a $50,000,000 Public Building bill be reported and passed next Winter.
In Spite of Caucus Action, He Asks Democrats to Pledge Their Support of Two New Ships.
COMPROMISE SEEMS LIKELY
In Return for a $50,000,000 Public Building Bill Democrats May Vote for Naval Increase.
Special to The New York Times.
WASHINGTON, July 20.— An active campaign among the Democrats of the House for the authorization of two new battleships as part of this year's naval programme was begun to-day when Representative William Sulzer of New York, Chairman of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, wrote a letter to Chairman Burleson of the Democratic caucus declaring his intention to vote for the battleship programme regardless of the caucus action. Simultaneously, Mr. Sulzer and Representative Murray of Massachusetts began circulating a pledge among their Democratic colleagues binding them to vote for two battleships.
While Chairman Sulzer expressed hope that the Democratic majority will yet agree to the building of the new ships, he made it clear to-day that be believed if they could be obtained in no other way, they could be voted by a combination of Republicans and Democrats on grounds of lofty patriotism and non-partisanship. It was to bring about this that he began to circulate his pledge. Here it is:
We, the undersigned Democratic members of the House of Representatives, hereby pledge ourselves to vote for two battleships, and to use our efforts and our influence to have the conferrees of the House recede and concur in the Senate amendment authorizing the construction of two new battleships in the pending Naval Appropriation Bill.
Five Democrats have already signed this pledge — Messrs. Sulzer, Murray of Massachusetts, Hobson of Alabama, and Talbot and Konig of Maryland. Mr. Sulzer is confident that no less than 35 Democrats will subscribe, and is hopeful that when the 100 Democrats who were not present at the caucus the other night return to the House a majority of them will sustain the two-battleship programme.
The partial conference report on the Naval bill, which included an agreement on everything but the battleships, was agreed to by the senate to-day, and will be called up in the House on Tuesday.
There will probably be another Democratic caucus to-morrow night or Monday in an effort to obviate differences within the party and reach a compromise on one battleship. Some of the opponents of battleships have based their opposition on the refusal of the caucus to bring out an omnibus Public Buildings bill. One plan of compromise suggested is that in return for acquiescence in the adoption of the battleship programme at the session, a $50,000,000 Public Building bill be reported and passed next Winter.
Republican Tangle In Pennsylvania Hopeless.
New York Times 100 years ago today, July 27, 1912:
Lawyers Can Find No Way to Solve the Taft-Roosevelt Electoral Puzzle.
Special to The New York Times.
HARRISBURG, Penn., July 26.— How will Pennsylvania vote in November? No-body knows, and apparently a great many people do not care; yet two immense signs printed on strips of white cloth in great, staring black, letters are stretched across the main street of this town, on one of which reads this legend: "Pennsylvania for Woodrow Wilson," and on the other these words: "For the Entire Republican Ticket and United Party."
Strange to say, neither the Taft people nor the Roosevelt people have opened headquarters in Pennsylvania, the theory being that both are waiting for the Bull Moose Convention at Chicago.
Yesterday the Hon. Henry G. Wasson, State Republican Chairman, held a conference here with a number of County Republican Chairmen from the central counties of the State, and they talked and talked and talked. There are twenty-seven counties in this political division of the Commonwealth, and sixteen of these counties were represented. Some time ago Mr. Wasson held a conference with the County Chairmen of the western district, in which there are twenty-two counties, and at that conference fifteen counties were represented. A little later a conference will be held with the Chairmen of, the eastern district, probably at Philadelphia.
The object of these conferences is to "size up the situation," which appears to be "up stumpo in swampibus," it being very much the nature of the Moose family to seek the seclusion which the low grounds supply when the chase is furious.
* * *
Everything of a political sort is dreadfully mussed up in Pennsylvania. There is Penrose, for example, at Philadelphia, and Flinn at Pittsburgh, both bosses of the most extreme type, and both claiming the mastery of the Republican Party. Wasson is the new Chairman of the party in the State. He lives in Pittsburgh, and succeeded Walton, who lives in Philadelphia. He is supposed to represent Flinn; but he asseverates that he represents the party, and resents the story which has been told by his enemies that in the present emergency he "stands in" with Flinn. He has been trying to get the party together; that is his mission, and he is doing the best he can with a stiff-necked and rebellious and utterly unsophisticated generation of new lights who have entered the arena in this State. He said yesterday that he hoped for and expected that there would be an amicable adjustment of the Presidential Electoral situation in Pennsylvania without recourse to law; indeed, it is said by the
knowing ones that there is no law by which the present conditions can be met.
Marlin Edgar Olmsted, who has been a member of Congress for eighteen years, and is regarded as one of the first lawyers of the Commonwealth, is reported to have been studying the legal aspects of the case for months, and has not yet, according to authorities in Harrisburg, discovered exactly how the regulars can get into court. There are no precedents, there is no law, although the statute books of the State are filled with laws on the subject of elections.
Wasson is said to have declared that the Republican Electoral ticket cannot be changed, that if he was on it he would get off if he did not intend to stand by the regular party which nominated it; but the men who are on it show a disposition to "stay put," and, except for Flinn's ridiculous proposition that the Electors vote either for Roosevelt or for Taft, as either might show a majority at the election in November, the ticket is in a fearful tangle. How Wasson expects to bring light out of this darkness and make this crooked path straight has not been explained.
* * *
At the meeting of the central County Chairmen yesterday there was a good deal of very straight talk about the danger of ditching the whole State Republican ticket, which naturally is not what Flinn wants. All that he wants, so far as the onlooker can see, is to manage the Republican Party in State affairs. Probably if Penrose for the sake of the party should obliterate himself, Flinn might be willing to "save the party" by consenting that the Republican Electoral ticket should vote for Taft, the Regular nominee of the party. One of the most amusing of the claims made by Flinn and his associates is that Taft's nomination at Chicago was accomplished by fraud. This is the latest example of "Satan rebuking sin."
* * *
The election laws of Pennsylvania are fearfully and wonderfully made. Three hundred and forty-four pages of the latest Legislative Handbook are filled with citations bearing upon these statutes and information about the election machinery and results in this State, and the index to the digest of the election laws of the Commonwealth fills twenty-one pages printed in the smallest type, noting where the law can be found relating to this, that, or the other feature of the laws. In all this waste of legislation there is not one peg upon which the present case can be hung, and such proceedings as may be necessary to clear the present cloudy skies must be de novo.
Pennsylvania has a primary election law which has contributed mainly to the confusion of politics in the State and encouraged mightily all manner of corruption and sharp practice in the elections held in the State. The pre-emption of public lands in the Far West is not to be compared with the pre-emption of political names in Pennsylvania. Anybody can run for any office he pleases and under any name, or any number of names he choose, with the result that there are Democratic-Republicans and Republican-Democrats running for office all the time and to the great confusion of the electorate and the ready appeal of the man with the money to pay for the game. The man who gets to the Secretary of the Commonwealth first with the most names is the man who will be able to plead with the voters of as many varying phases of political belief as he may think necessary to his success at the polls.
At the last primary election Michael Donohoe of Philadelphia ran for Congress as a Democrat and Keystone candidate, and William W. Griest of Lancaster ran for Congress as the candidate of thel Republican and Keystone Parties. In the Thirtieth District, M. Clyde Kelly of North Braddock, notwithstanding his name and the association of ideas in what he represented, ran for Congress as a Republican and Prohibitionist. So it ran through all the list of candidates.
In the Twenty-fifth Senatorial District,
for illustration, Frank E. Baldwin, a Republican, ran for the Senate on the Democratic, Prohibition, and Keystone tickets; Henry A. Clark of Erie ran for State Senator from the Forty-ninth District on the Democratic and Republican tickets, while W. Bruce Good of Shickshimny ran for the legislature in the Fourth District of Luzerne County on the Republican, Democratic, Prohibition, and Keystone tickets, which "was all to the good" in his case, but very confusing to the outlanders, who have always believed that the party name really counted for a good deal in placing men in politics.
Wherever the primary system has been tried it has encouraged fraud and resulted in the elevation of unworthy men to office and opened opportunities for the use of money in the control of the voters.
* * *
Take the case of Olmsted, one of the most capable men in the public life of the State. At the last election he was defeated by an ex-Councilman of Harrisburg and a clerk in a tinmill. Something of the same sort happened to Dalzell. Olmsted was probably himself to blame, because it is said that he held himself somewhat aloof from the voters, excepting along about the time nominations were to be made. There has been intense feeling against the newly rich who hive tried to dominate the party and against Penrose, as already noted, because he was rather "above his business" in managing the affairs of the party. It is said that he really did not "go a-fishing" on Election Day as previously reported; but it is admitted that he did not stir around as much as the political necessities of the campaign required. Hence, the present, if temporary, ascendency of William Flinn. How long Flinn will stay where he is will depend a good deal on how he manoeuvres out of his present embarrassment. He Is not supposed to be opposed at heart to Taft; Penrose was the fellow he was after. Three-fourths of the Flinn people are believed to be for Taft.
At the primary election only about one-fourth of the Republicans of Pennsylvania voted for Roosevelt. The larger number did not vote at all, and they are sorry for it now. Besides, there appears to be no room to doubt that thousands of Democrats and Keystone Party men voted in the Republican primary for the Republican ticket
* * *
Nobody can give a reasonable explanation of the opposition to Taft among the Republicans in this State. They don't know why; but they are, or at least they say they are. Notwithstanding the fact that Taft headquarters have not yet been opened in Pennsylvania, it is said that the Taft people have not been letting things go by default, and that many of the most expert of the gumshoe brigade have been doing hard work all over the State, and very good work as the Taft people think. One of the close observers to-day gave it as his sound judgment that Mr. Roosevelt would not be in the race at all after the meeting of the Bull Moose Convention in Chicago.
Wasson's expectation that it would not be necessary to resort to law in the case of the Electoral ticket and his statement that he had been in close touch with Hilles would seem to promise clearing weather in the Keystone State before the election in November. J. C. H.
Lawyers Can Find No Way to Solve the Taft-Roosevelt Electoral Puzzle.
Special to The New York Times.
HARRISBURG, Penn., July 26.— How will Pennsylvania vote in November? No-body knows, and apparently a great many people do not care; yet two immense signs printed on strips of white cloth in great, staring black, letters are stretched across the main street of this town, on one of which reads this legend: "Pennsylvania for Woodrow Wilson," and on the other these words: "For the Entire Republican Ticket and United Party."
Strange to say, neither the Taft people nor the Roosevelt people have opened headquarters in Pennsylvania, the theory being that both are waiting for the Bull Moose Convention at Chicago.
Yesterday the Hon. Henry G. Wasson, State Republican Chairman, held a conference here with a number of County Republican Chairmen from the central counties of the State, and they talked and talked and talked. There are twenty-seven counties in this political division of the Commonwealth, and sixteen of these counties were represented. Some time ago Mr. Wasson held a conference with the County Chairmen of the western district, in which there are twenty-two counties, and at that conference fifteen counties were represented. A little later a conference will be held with the Chairmen of, the eastern district, probably at Philadelphia.
The object of these conferences is to "size up the situation," which appears to be "up stumpo in swampibus," it being very much the nature of the Moose family to seek the seclusion which the low grounds supply when the chase is furious.
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Everything of a political sort is dreadfully mussed up in Pennsylvania. There is Penrose, for example, at Philadelphia, and Flinn at Pittsburgh, both bosses of the most extreme type, and both claiming the mastery of the Republican Party. Wasson is the new Chairman of the party in the State. He lives in Pittsburgh, and succeeded Walton, who lives in Philadelphia. He is supposed to represent Flinn; but he asseverates that he represents the party, and resents the story which has been told by his enemies that in the present emergency he "stands in" with Flinn. He has been trying to get the party together; that is his mission, and he is doing the best he can with a stiff-necked and rebellious and utterly unsophisticated generation of new lights who have entered the arena in this State. He said yesterday that he hoped for and expected that there would be an amicable adjustment of the Presidential Electoral situation in Pennsylvania without recourse to law; indeed, it is said by the
knowing ones that there is no law by which the present conditions can be met.
Marlin Edgar Olmsted, who has been a member of Congress for eighteen years, and is regarded as one of the first lawyers of the Commonwealth, is reported to have been studying the legal aspects of the case for months, and has not yet, according to authorities in Harrisburg, discovered exactly how the regulars can get into court. There are no precedents, there is no law, although the statute books of the State are filled with laws on the subject of elections.
Wasson is said to have declared that the Republican Electoral ticket cannot be changed, that if he was on it he would get off if he did not intend to stand by the regular party which nominated it; but the men who are on it show a disposition to "stay put," and, except for Flinn's ridiculous proposition that the Electors vote either for Roosevelt or for Taft, as either might show a majority at the election in November, the ticket is in a fearful tangle. How Wasson expects to bring light out of this darkness and make this crooked path straight has not been explained.
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At the meeting of the central County Chairmen yesterday there was a good deal of very straight talk about the danger of ditching the whole State Republican ticket, which naturally is not what Flinn wants. All that he wants, so far as the onlooker can see, is to manage the Republican Party in State affairs. Probably if Penrose for the sake of the party should obliterate himself, Flinn might be willing to "save the party" by consenting that the Republican Electoral ticket should vote for Taft, the Regular nominee of the party. One of the most amusing of the claims made by Flinn and his associates is that Taft's nomination at Chicago was accomplished by fraud. This is the latest example of "Satan rebuking sin."
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The election laws of Pennsylvania are fearfully and wonderfully made. Three hundred and forty-four pages of the latest Legislative Handbook are filled with citations bearing upon these statutes and information about the election machinery and results in this State, and the index to the digest of the election laws of the Commonwealth fills twenty-one pages printed in the smallest type, noting where the law can be found relating to this, that, or the other feature of the laws. In all this waste of legislation there is not one peg upon which the present case can be hung, and such proceedings as may be necessary to clear the present cloudy skies must be de novo.
Pennsylvania has a primary election law which has contributed mainly to the confusion of politics in the State and encouraged mightily all manner of corruption and sharp practice in the elections held in the State. The pre-emption of public lands in the Far West is not to be compared with the pre-emption of political names in Pennsylvania. Anybody can run for any office he pleases and under any name, or any number of names he choose, with the result that there are Democratic-Republicans and Republican-Democrats running for office all the time and to the great confusion of the electorate and the ready appeal of the man with the money to pay for the game. The man who gets to the Secretary of the Commonwealth first with the most names is the man who will be able to plead with the voters of as many varying phases of political belief as he may think necessary to his success at the polls.
At the last primary election Michael Donohoe of Philadelphia ran for Congress as a Democrat and Keystone candidate, and William W. Griest of Lancaster ran for Congress as the candidate of thel Republican and Keystone Parties. In the Thirtieth District, M. Clyde Kelly of North Braddock, notwithstanding his name and the association of ideas in what he represented, ran for Congress as a Republican and Prohibitionist. So it ran through all the list of candidates.
In the Twenty-fifth Senatorial District,
for illustration, Frank E. Baldwin, a Republican, ran for the Senate on the Democratic, Prohibition, and Keystone tickets; Henry A. Clark of Erie ran for State Senator from the Forty-ninth District on the Democratic and Republican tickets, while W. Bruce Good of Shickshimny ran for the legislature in the Fourth District of Luzerne County on the Republican, Democratic, Prohibition, and Keystone tickets, which "was all to the good" in his case, but very confusing to the outlanders, who have always believed that the party name really counted for a good deal in placing men in politics.
Wherever the primary system has been tried it has encouraged fraud and resulted in the elevation of unworthy men to office and opened opportunities for the use of money in the control of the voters.
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Take the case of Olmsted, one of the most capable men in the public life of the State. At the last election he was defeated by an ex-Councilman of Harrisburg and a clerk in a tinmill. Something of the same sort happened to Dalzell. Olmsted was probably himself to blame, because it is said that he held himself somewhat aloof from the voters, excepting along about the time nominations were to be made. There has been intense feeling against the newly rich who hive tried to dominate the party and against Penrose, as already noted, because he was rather "above his business" in managing the affairs of the party. It is said that he really did not "go a-fishing" on Election Day as previously reported; but it is admitted that he did not stir around as much as the political necessities of the campaign required. Hence, the present, if temporary, ascendency of William Flinn. How long Flinn will stay where he is will depend a good deal on how he manoeuvres out of his present embarrassment. He Is not supposed to be opposed at heart to Taft; Penrose was the fellow he was after. Three-fourths of the Flinn people are believed to be for Taft.
At the primary election only about one-fourth of the Republicans of Pennsylvania voted for Roosevelt. The larger number did not vote at all, and they are sorry for it now. Besides, there appears to be no room to doubt that thousands of Democrats and Keystone Party men voted in the Republican primary for the Republican ticket
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Nobody can give a reasonable explanation of the opposition to Taft among the Republicans in this State. They don't know why; but they are, or at least they say they are. Notwithstanding the fact that Taft headquarters have not yet been opened in Pennsylvania, it is said that the Taft people have not been letting things go by default, and that many of the most expert of the gumshoe brigade have been doing hard work all over the State, and very good work as the Taft people think. One of the close observers to-day gave it as his sound judgment that Mr. Roosevelt would not be in the race at all after the meeting of the Bull Moose Convention in Chicago.
Wasson's expectation that it would not be necessary to resort to law in the case of the Electoral ticket and his statement that he had been in close touch with Hilles would seem to promise clearing weather in the Keystone State before the election in November. J. C. H.
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