Carranza's Party For Law In Mexico.

New York Times 100 years ago today, May 21, 1913:
First Authoritative Statement of the Aims of New Mexican Revolutionists.
TO HAVE HONEST CONGRESS
Pesqueira, Commissioner Here, Says Constitutionalistas Won't Be Hampered as Was Madero.
    Señor Roberto Pesqueira, the officially appointed Commissioner in this country for the da facto Government in Northern Mexico, of which Col. Venustiano Carranza, Governor of Coahuila, is the head, outlined last night the purposes of the Constitutionalistas and gave an analysis of the political situation from the point of view of his party for The New York Times. He pointed out that, although the principles underlying the present movement against President Huerta were the same as those which inspired the Madero revolution, conditions now, two years later, would cause the Constitutionalistas, if successful, to reach the objects of their proposed Government by different means.
    Incidentally, the revolutionary Commissioner gave what he said was the inside history of the recognition of the Huerta Government by Great Britain.
    Señor Pesqueira is young enthusiastic, and confident.
    "It is understood, I am confident," he said last night, as he bent forward in his chair in his apartment at the St. Regis, "that the people of Mexico, whom I know we represent, want now just what they wanted two years ago. The fact that the North, under Gov. Carranza, is fighting for a Government of justice, the elimination of graft, and an end of rule by assassination may be taken for granted.

New Methods to be Adopted.
    "But the methods by which we expect to achieve our objects undoubtedly will be different from those forced on the late President Madero. The people have had a taste of good government. They realize even more thoroughly than they did two years ago the advantages of the rule of law. They have seen the possibilities of a Constitutional Government and their eagerness for its permanent establishment has increased correspondingly.
    "Madero was a pioneer. As I shall try to show you, he became the head of the country when compromises were absolutely necessary for the accomplishment of peace. These compromises placed in the Cabinet several men who were known to be out of sympathy with the programme of Madero and his party. The covert hostility of men like Lascurain absorbed much of Madero's energy in nullifying their efforts.
    "The Cabinet of the Constitutionalist Government will be composed entirely of men who stand for just what the name of the party indicates. The murder of Madero and the treachery of Huerta have destroyed utterly any influence which the Cientificos had. Those who were identified with the old Diaz Government will not have the slightest opportunity of gaining control of any part of the public administration.
    "Thus, you see, the work of the coming President and his Cabinet will be made much easier than it was for Madero. Lessons have been learned, although at what a cost!
    "The plan of San Luis Potosi, to which American newspapers often refer, but which few Americans, I believe, understand, will be carried out in spirit. Under it the land laws will be reformed, not in a revolutionary manner, as some Americans seem to think that the plan provides, but by the gradual distribution of lands purchased by the Government. The proposed plan is not in the least more radical than the present Irish land laws. It corresponds closely to your own homestead laws.
    "Since the beginning of the Diaz Government laws have been passed which are absolutely in defiance of the provisions of the Constitution. By the operation of these law's many vast tracts have passed into the hands of a few men. It naturally follows that these are held illegally.

Better Chance Than Madero's.
    "The coming Administration will have another distinct advantage. So soon as peace is attained under the initial military Government, it will have the right by the Constitution to elect a new Congress. Madero, on the other hand, when elected found himself joined in the work of government with a Congress the members of which had been personally selected and ordered elected by Porfirio Diaz.
    "By the Constitution the Congress which recognized Huerta as Provisional President against a constitutionally elected President, even under threats, automatically ceased to exist. There are many honorable men who sat in the recent Congress, but the offices of all terminated with their recognition of a traitor. As you see, the new Government will be able to start with a legislative body chosen by free election which will mean one in sympathy with the aims of the Constitutionalist Party.
    "One objective of our Government will be the completion of the work Madero was not permitted to finish — the establishment throughout Mexico, even in the most outlying districts, of a string of what you call 'little red school-houses.' The educational system under Diaz meant the erection of beautiful buildings in cities frequented by tourists and the lining of the pockets of contractors. We want to spend the people's money to give the child of the humblest parents a primary education. This will mean the work of years, of generations, of course. It is a programme that cannot be completed in a day."
    Señor Pesqueira, asked to give his opinion concerning Secretary Bryan's statement that the United States Government had no intention of investigating Ambassador Wilson's alleged part in the Diaz-Huerta combination against Madero, said:
    "It was quite to be expected that the State Department would take such an attitude. It certainly could not afford to admit that its Ambassador had been guilty of such a violation of international law, a thing that the substantiation of the charges would necessitate; nor could it appoint another Ambassador in the place of Mr. Wilson without granting at least a tacit recognition of Huerta.
    "A rather interesting story lies behind the recognition of Huerta by Great Britain. It is known in diplomatic circles that this was brought about by Lord Cowdray, the millionaire contractor and oil operator who received so many favors from the old Diaz administration. Cowdry is quite a force in English political life, as he certainly was in Mexico. He always has been recognized as one of the Cientifico chiefs. The firm establishment of Huerta would mean millions to him in new concessions."
    Señor Pesqueira has emphatic opinions concerning Francisco de la Barra, formerly President ad interim in Mexico, and before that Ambassador to the United States. One question concern ing de la Barra's status in the Mexican political situation was sufficient.

Calls de la Barra Dangerous.
    "In spite of the apparently popular impression here of de la Barra," he replied, "those who are acquainted with the inside affairs in Mexico from the time of the very beginning of the revolution led by Francesco Madero, know that de la Barra is one of the most dangerous men to our National peace that Mexico ever has had.
    "From conversations with several Americans, well informed people on most topics, I have discovered that there is a general idea that de la Barra is a patriot, ready to sacrifice his personal interests for the welfare of his country, and an able statesman.
    "Nothing could be further from the real de la Barra than this estimate. From the very beginning of the revolutionary movement he has been carrying water on both shoulders. He has betrayed one party for the other, and, with an adroitness worthy of a much better cause, has been able to conceal, at least from the public, his treachery. Even more than that. He has succeeded more than once in cloaking his most selfish designs with a garment of good faith.
    "When Francisco Madero entered Mexico City almost two years ago at the end of a triumphal journey from the north, he faced a situation which made it necessary, if he was to maintain his pledge to observe the Constitution, for him to accept some conditions. He was not a man to compromise with a principle, but neither was he one to let vanity, or the desire of personal aggrandizement, stand in the way of a speedy peace and the establishment of a government of law and order.
    "Though Diaz had gone, the Cientificos, the men who ruled the country through his authority and had amassed great fortunes, still were a power in the land. Madero, had he wished, could have marched directly to Chapultepec Castle and proclaimed himself President with few to deny his right. That he would not do.
    "De la Barra was chosen as the man to represent the joining of the old system to the new. Classed as a Cientifico himself he was picked, not on account of his strength, but his weakness. Madero felt that de la Barra would not be able to undo the work accomplished and at the same time would give the hostile Cientificos an opportunity to let themselves down easily from their pinnacle of almost absolute authority.
    "De la Barra, however, following his traditions, began to work at once through underground channels. One of the first acts of Madero after he arrived in Mexico City was to hold an interview with Zapata, the chief of the Morelos revolutionists, and persuade him to lay down his arms and disband his troops. Zapata agreed to all of Madero's demands. The only condition he made was that the troops to be dispatched into the State should be sent from the forces which had fought for the revolution in the north, and not from the regular establishment, the army which fought for Diaz.
    "De la Barra saw his opening and he made use of it. As President, he sent Federal troops to Morelos. At the same time, he dispatched secret agents to Zapata with instructions to persuade the rebel chief that Madero had broken his promise and that a surrender under such circumstances would be an insult to his own followers.
    "Before Madero could interfere, the trouble was accomplished and Zapata's suspicions, once aroused, never were allayed in the remainder of the ad interim administration and the short time in which Francisco Madero was the head of the Government.
    "The Federal troops once in Morelos, it was impossible to withdraw them after the first clash. Huerta was in command and he had specific orders from de la Barra to prolong the campaign until after the elections, in the hope that Madero's prestige might suffer and the Provisional Presidency might be extended into a regular term. As you say in the United States, de la Barra 'had the Presidential bee in his bonnet.' He still has it.
    "Madero, of course, was not deceived. If he made a mistake, it was in his natural inability to comprehend the extent of the duplicity of which de la Barra is capable. To be on the safer side. Madero after his practically unanimous election, sent de la Barra to Italy on a diplomatic junket to convey the thanks of the Government for Italy's participation in the celebration of the centennial of Mexico's independence — save the word!

Calls Huerta a Tool.
    "Huerta is a tool rather than a principal in the affairs in the capital now, just as he was from the first. He has borne long the reputation of being the most bloodthirsty as well as the most dissolute officer in the army. His deeds well have borne out his reputation. And his present position was made possible only when De la Barra finally convinced the Cientificos that if they were going to spend their money to overthrow Madero they might as well spend a lot of it at once and get something for their outlay.
    "Huerta holds his temporary place in the National Palace just because the Cientificos had been 'stung' once too often and wanted — what do you say? — 'a run for their money.'"