Wednesday, October 31, 2012

Wilson Shocked To Hear News.

New York Times 100 years ago today, October 31, 1912:
    PRINCETON, N. J., Oct. 31.— Gov. Wilson, returning here from Burlington by automobile after midnight, was shocked to learn of the death of Vice President Sherman, and expressed profound sorrow.
    He will send a telegram of sympathy to the family to-morrow.

Wilson Pleads For Loyal Congress.

New York Times 100 years ago today, October 31, 1912:
Only with a Democratic House and Senate Can He Bring Reform, He Tells Jersey Voters.
HE POINTS TO HIS RECORD
That Proves, He Declares, the Democratic Party Under Him Will Live Up to Its Pledges.
Special to The New York Times.
    BURLINGTON, N. J., Oct. 30,— Enter ins the Republican strongholds in Southern New Jersey to-day, Gov. Woodrow Wilson put before the voters what he believes to be the paramount need of the whole campaign: the complete control of the Government by the Democratic Party.
    If that was accomplished, he told a crowd of 2,500 persons here to-night, the programme of progress could be put into effect, but without the Senate and House of Representatives behind him, a President could do little, he declared.
    "I am not a candidate for a pedestal," declared the Governor, and the audience applauded heartily.
    "I am not a candidate," he continued, "to be set up in lonely dignity to suffer the intolerable disappointment of being left alone, unable to do the real things which the American people will expect of me if they honor me with their suffrages. If you cannot back me up, do not put me up all by myself and then desert me. If you believe in me make it possible for me to do something. No man in a great commonwealth or in a great nation can do anything by himself, except talk. And if my voice comes back to me I shall continue to talk. But talking is not business unless it means that men are going to be drawn together by the public discussion of great questions into a common, co-operative, irresistible force.
    "Do not elect me Captain unless you are going to give me a team. For if I am Captain and either of those Republican scrub teams is put alongside of me I cannot do anything at all. They will not know what there is to be done, and they will not believe me if I tell them. What I leave with you, therefore, is this suggestion: It is team or nothing. Is that a bargain? You will go back on me, you will go back on your Governor if you vote for me, and do not give me a team. Therefore my bargain, my exhortation to you to-day, is, go to the polls and vote by this rule. Either give him a team or vote for somebody else."
    Gov. Wilson's popularity in New Jersey and the confidence the voters have in him as a result of his administration was proved by his trip to-day. Even in this Republican citadel he was cheered for three minutes, and at Cape May Court House, where he delivered his first address, and later at the Hippodrome at Wildwood there were big and enthusiastic crowds out to greet him, Gov. Wilson showed to-day that he was confident of victory, and he devoted most of his three addresses to the cause of the candidates for Congress and the State Legislature.
    "Think back a couple of years, my friends," he said in his speech to-night. "Are you prouder of New Jersey, now than you were then? God knows that nobody that has served you in those two years has done anything more than his duty, and no man ought to brag of his duty. I subscribe to that old passage in the scriptures: 'We are unprofitable servants, we have done that which it was our duty to do.'
    In reviewing what had been accomplished in New Jersey for the cause of good government the Governor mentioned the Corrupt Practices act passed by his administration.
    "Not longer ago than to-day," he said, "I have been told of money being spent in Cape May County in a way it ought not to be used, and I have just sent a letter to every Prosecutor of Pleas in the State that I will hold him personally responsible for the enforcement of the law."
    The Governor started his campaign today at the old Cape May Court House. He learned there that he was being followed by the "flying squadron" of the Stand Pat Republicans, who planned to refute his statements. These men were ex-Governor C. S. Stokes, State Senator Nichols, and State Senator Edge. The Governor spoke first to the voters of the men who were on his heels.
    "This is going to be a very interesting day for you." he said, "because I understand that later in the day two or three gentlemen are going to assist in the ante-mortem examination of the Republican Party."
    Then the Governor said:
    "Now, it happens that the Democratic Party in the Nation is led by the same man who led the Democratic Party in New Jersey, and I am not aware of having changed my point of view or my purposes in the slightest degree. I feel in talking to you home folks that I must tell you the real things that lie in my heart. I am interested in parties, my friends, only as instrumentalities.

STRAUS TALKS TO PASTORS.
If Elected He Says He Will Work for Party's Social Justice Planks.
    Oscar S. Straus and State Senator Frederick M. Davenport, the Progressive candidates for Governor and Lieutenant Governor, addressed a meeting of clergymen in the assembly hall of the Metropolitan Tower yesterday afternoon. The meeting was held under the auspices of Progressive Ministers' Association of Brooklyn, which sent out invitations to 1,326 clergymen, priests and rabbis of the five boroughs. Less than fifty clergymen attended the meeting, but this sparse attendance the Chairman, the Rev. G. H. McClelland, of the First United Presbyterian Church, declared was because many pastors had meetings in connection with their work to attend on Wednesdays. Mr. Straus appealed to the clergymen to support the Progressive candidates, because of the social justice planks of the Progressive platform.
    "If I get to Albany — and it looks as if I will — and if you send a Progressive Legislature with me," he said, "I shall open up a new account in the ledger of the State's business, an account of humanity, opposite the machinery account."
    In denouncing the rule of the bosses under what he termed the only big political party now in the State, "the Barnes-and-Murphy Party," he declared that the power of that coalition was everywhere throughout the State being used to intimidate Progressive voters.
    "Everywhere up-State we found our people being intimidated," he said. "They told us in many cases that they dared not even wear our emblem, because the bank, the mortgage company, or the newspaper in their community was controlled by Barnes or Murphy and by the invisible power of the bosses. The assembly district in this State that is not under that domination is the exception. Now, is not that a disgrace? It is that domination that our party in its new giant strength intends to shatter.
    "If you defeat this cause it will win anyway. It can't be beaten. Whenever a cause has on its side the intelligence of the people — the ministers, teachers, and other men and women of the community whose vision is not limited to their ledgers, and besides that the support of the common people — it is a cause that stands for moral issues and is bound to triumph."
    Among the clergymen at the meeting were the Rev. Dr. Josiah Strong, the Rev. Dr. Clendenin of St. Peter's Church of Westchester, the Rev. Dr. George Van de Water of St. Andrew's Episcopal Church, Rabbi Nathan Krass of Brooklyn, the Rev. A. J. Allebach, the Rev. L. D. Lee, a Chinese missionary, and the Rev. S. W. Timms, a colored Baptist.

We Rush Warships To Santo Domingo.

New York Times 100 years ago today, October 31, 1912:
American Consulate at Puerto Plata Likely to be Attacked by Insurgents.
MAY NEED STRONG MEASURES
Attempt to Deal with the Situation by Treating with the Revolutionists Has Been a Failure.
Special to The New York Times.
    WASHINGTON, Oct. 30.— The situation in Santo Domingo is beginning to arouse the Washington authorities to decisive action. A dispatch to-day from Minister Russell brought the disturbing news that the United States Consulate at Puerto Plata was likely to be attacked by revolutionists. The street on both sides or the Consulate had been barricaded and barbed-wire obstructions had been strung across ail the leading thoroughfares into the town. A large force of rebels was reported to be advancing on the place, with the prospect of a lively fight within a few hours.
    The Prairie at last accounts was a day's sail away. Gen McIntyre is supposed to be on board the Prairie, and it is the belief here that he has given orders to make all haste to Puerto Plata and that the 700 marines on board the Prairie will be thrown into the town to meet the revolutionists.
    It has been decided to send the cruiser Baltimore and the tender Yankton to Santo Domingan waters as soon as possible. It is expected that the Yankton will sail from the New York Navy Yard immediately, and the Baltimore will leave the navy yard at Philadelphia about noon Friday.
    The Navy Department is preparing to fit two other vessels for immediate service in Santo Domingan waters, and it looks as if a force of marines would within the next fortnight be doing garrison duty at every point in the republic where there is a custom house.
    The United States under the treaty with Santo Domingo is responsible for the collection of the customs duties of the republic.
    Thus far the disorders in the country have not much interfered with the aggregate amount of collections, but attacks are being threatened constantly on points there without adequate protection.
    Gen. McIntyre and W. T. S. Doyle of the State Department, who have been in Santo Domingo for over a month, have been trying to deal with the situation by treating with the insurgent element, but have made so little progress that strong measures may be necessary in order to restore quiet.

The National Budget.

New York Times 100 years ago today, October 31, 1912:
    Ultimately we shall discover all the "sneak" legislation enacted at the last session of Congress, but the end is not yet. The latest to be unearthed is the solemn enactment under cover of an appropriation bill that there shall be no annual budget prepared for the United States until Congress shall so order. If it were the intention of Congress to order budgets to be prepared no objection would be made. But Congress is so far from having such intention that the object of the "rider" is to balk a reform which is put on its way by the action of the Executive within its prerogative. It ought to be clear even to Congress that it no more can control the Executive than the Executive can control Congress. The President is not seeking to control Congress by his efforts to introduce something like system into the methods of raising taxes and spending them. Surely it is within his function lawfully to recommend such procedure when he communicates the annual estimates. With equal certitude it is within the discretion of Congress to persevere in its crazy-quilt manner of assuming that there will be a surplus whatever it spends — although actually there is a deficit — and making appropriations regardless of debits and credits. No other country does this. No other country could do it. And the United States should not do it.
    Congress seems to have been piqued because the President saw this first, and has done what it could to prevent his proceeding along a path whose end will be reached unless obstructions are placed across it. The obstruction which Congress intends to place was described by the Chairman of the Committed on Appropriations when he declared it unwise and improvident that "the time and energies of large numbers of the most capable persons in the several branches of the public service (should be) diverted to transforming the entire estimates for the next fiscal year into this new and unauthorized plan of a so-called National budget." But these estimates are submitted to Congress, not prepared by Congress. What concern is it of Congress in what form the estimates shall be submitted, unless perhaps it may be imagined that Congress fears that the estimates may be in a form which shall make unwise and improvident appropriations more difficult? If the President is to have any responsibility in the matter he must be allowed the information necessary for his discretion, and Congress is imprudent in trying to limit it.
    The estimates are prepared at present by officers acting as ministerial agents, without discretion, and without provision for Executive review. On these estimates, and without Executive recommendation, Congress proceeds to appropriate a billion dollars without much thought or care where the money is coming from. The estimates are prepared under ninety different statutes, prescribing 200 forms, and with no limitation of totals. There is no trace of responsibility anywhere, and Congress is resolved that none shall be introduced. One Representative did not scruple to complain in his official place that it cost $4,000 to print the President's message recommending abandonment of these time-dishonored methods of inflating the cost of Government.
    The President favors open-handed dealing between the Executive and Congress and the people, and wishes the people to be taken into confidence in the matter. For this reason he has instructed the Secretary of the Treasury, and the heads of all departments of Government, to proceed according to the requirements of Congress, and also to submit to him similar material for the preparation and submission of a summary statement in the form of a budget to be sent to Congress as the President's recommendation in a special message. The more Congress sputters about it the more it will commend the new departure to public approval, at least until Congress shall improve upon the President's method.

Test A Silent Air Motor.

New York Times 100 years ago today, October 31, 1912:
Army Men Also Plan a Color Scheme to Make Airships Invisible.
    WASHINGTON, Oct. 30.— Successful experiments with a noiseless motor are being conducted by the Army Signal Corps at the aviation field at College Park, Md. The flight of an aeroplane is now almost noiseless. Lieut. Harry Graham is directing the tests of the new motive power, which promises to make the aeroplane a much more effective engine of destruction and more useful for scout duty in time of war.
    The army aviators also are preparing to experiment with a new color scheme for the machines which, it is expected, will make them practically invisible by day or night at a height of 250 feet.

Sees Good In Socialism.

New York Times 100 years ago today, October 31, 1912:
William Guggenheim for Federal Regulation and Labor Reforms.
    PHILADELPHIA, Oct. 30.— Speaking before the students of the Wharton School of Finance of the University of Pennsylvania, William Guggenheim, who is an alumnus of the university, said:
    "It is well to bear in mind in our present political excitement that the honeyed words of politicians and the unrealizable promises of reformers must be considered with caution, for, notwithstanding their assurances, the demand for reasonable rates by our railroads must eventually be recognized, and our trade conditions are so adjusted to a protective tariff that only a moderate reduction in tariff rates would be advisable. Furthermore, our banks, which are the wells of credit, should be given much needed legislative aid, rather than made the plaything of Congressional or other investigating committees.
    "At the present moment there is an unmistakable, drift toward Government regulation and supervision of the larger affairs of life. We should readily accept regulation and supervision, but at same time we should insist that it shall stop there, so as to maintain for us a reasonable right to manage our own affairs; for, though Government ownership is essential in some instances, I fear that its undue extension would prove harmful."
    The speaker affirmed his belief that the Constitution provided for an enlightened people the best form of government possible. He said of socialism that "every intelligent and thinking person" was socialistically inclined.
    "It is of the utmost importance, however," he continued, "that we neither destroy initiative nor give undue encouragement to the inefficient and worthless. Consequently the wisest legislative course to pursue is not always easily determined."

Roosevelt Stills Garden Tumult; Grave In Speech.

New York Times 100 years ago today, October 31, 1912:
16,000 Men and Women in the Amphitheatre in Frenzied Demonstration Weary Him.
TOO ILL TO STAND IT LONGER
Din of Noises Alternate Unceasingly with Cheers for 45 Minutes Before He Can Say a Word.
NOT A WORKED-UP SCENE
The Colonel Strong in Voice, but with Rigid Right Arm Is Not Quite Like Himself.
RING OF A LAST MESSAGE
Attempts to Explain Nothing Revolutionary Is Meant and Great Changes Come Slowly.
THIS NOTE NOT WELL LIKED
Dixon Wins Favor by Referring to Him as "Our Great President" — Johnson and Straus Extol Him.
    A sick and wounded man, who has been twice President of the United States and is again a candidate for the Presidency, stood up before 16,000 wildly cheering American citizens in Madison Square Garden last night, all of whom know that he had a bullet in his chest, and might not get well, and told them what he meant when he said that he wanted to instal a better conception of social and industrial welfare in this country.
    This man, of course, was Theodore Roosevelt. The 16,000 Americans before him would not let him explain his views of social and industrial welfare, or about the need for giving women and children a better show in life, for forty-five minutes. Col. Roosevelt wanted them to, but they wouldn't. They began with cheering, and from that they went on to inventing strange noises. When the possibilities of strange noises were exhausted they would go back to cheering, and after that they would go back again to strange noises, and so it went on until it seemed as if noisemaking possibilities had been tested to the limit.
    Roosevelt stood looking over this sea of emotional human beings with a gaze that was quite different from that of the ordinary stump speaker. He knew that he had to stand there and take it as long as it lasted, and it lasted three-quarters of an hour, but really it annoyed and disturbed him, great as the tribute was. He felt he was a sick man, and he was particularly anxious to get his message to the American people because he didn't know when he would get another chance. So, one might respectfully say, it jarred him. He walked occasionally to the edge of his desk and pounded his hand down on the American flag that draped it, and there was a commanding sincerity in his manner, which finally stilled the crowd, though as a general rule such crowds imagine that such a gesture is merely an additional incitement to go on.

Quiet and Grave in Speaking.
    After the forty-five minutes were up, and they would have been sixty or seventy minutes but for Roosevelt's perfectly obvious refusal to permit a longer demonstration, the shouting thousands in the Garden — and they were only a fraction of the thousands who couldn't get in, — permitted him to go ahead. The most noticeable thing about his speech was that he did not try to define issues, as he has done in all his speeches through the campaign; it was a sort of farewell manifesto in which he undertook to outline no specific issue, but the general principles for which his party stood. He tried to make it clear that his party was not trying to revolutionise the world in a day, but did mean, by degrees as rapid as possible, to revolutionize it.
    As the Colonel tried to bring this idea before the mind of his immense and intense audience, he did not talk as he used to, with the old violence and the old sarcasm. He had no unkind word to say of his opponents. He referred in unmistakable terms to some of Gov. Wilson's ideas, particularly those concerning State rights, but he never mentioned Wilson's name. He talked in as serious and grave a strain as if it were to be his last speech.
    But all this was unseen by the audience below, which continued roaring and bellowing from the moment the Colonel appeared at 9:15 o'clock until forty-five minutes later, and both the audience and the Colonel were fresh and had plenty of lung power left even then.
    Col. Roosevelt stood looking the crowd over with a satisfied eye, bowing stiffly but with a cordial smile, to all sides, and saluting different parts of the gathering with a wave of his left hand, whenever for a moment the din and uproar seemed even slightly to diminish. That invariably woke a new pandemonium, which in turn brought to the Colonel's eyes and lips a new grin.
    There was an intensity in the Colonel's manner of delivery which has often characterized his speeches but never in this peculiar way. All the bitterness was gone from it. He seemed anxious chiefly to impress on his audience that the campaign in which the Progressive Party was enlisted was one for all time; that it had no hope of reaching the Millenium in a day; but that it did hope to reach it step by step, even if those steps took many years.

The High Note Not Struck.
    This idea struck the Madison Square Audience variously. At first the whole 16,000 seemed to be with the Colonel, to judge by the applause. As he went on developing his idea, more and more of the crowd grew silent, and while he got great cheering for everything he said, that cheering did not come from the whole audience. It seemed as if what he was saying was too strong meat for all of those who had come into the Garden.
    At the same time it cannot be denied that nobody else ever got such a wonderful reception in the Garden. How much of it was due to the sympathy which most people instinctively feel with a brave man who has shown his courage, as Roosevelt did at Milwaukee, and how much was due to sympathy with his principles, cannot be told.
    It is, nevertheless, astounding that 16,000 persons should go so absolutely crazy for forty-five minutes as these 16,000 men and women in the Garden did. A moment before the Colonel appeared in his somber black suit, looking a bit worn and as if the bullet that he had in his chest hurt him, they appeared to be perfectly orderly and respectable persons. But the moment his red face, gray moustache and eyeglasses showed up on the platform they lost all semblance of order. Perfectly respectable gray-haired matrons climbed on chairs with flags and handkerchiefs in their hands and forgot themselves for three-quarters of an hour. After about half an hour persons who in the ordinary course of life may be deacons or assistant bank cashiers were dancing around the floor in a frenzy. Occasionally The band would try to intervene with the "Battle Hymn of the Republic" or "Onward, Christian Soldiers," but it could not even make a dent in the uproar.
    Col. Roosevelt himself tried to still the noise by coming out frequently and signalling for quiet, and his action was perfectly sincere, for he looked weary and ill. But even his influence had no effect on the shouting throng.

Not Convention Cheers.
    Such demonstrations are commonplace in National conventions, where they are carefully worked up by cheer-leaders and kept going by megaphones and other mechanical moans. This thing, however, was spontaneous. The crowd kept on yelling because it wanted to yell. Roosevelt stood there sometimes trying to still it and sometimes waiting for it to die down, but always with the air of a man who had a message that he wanted to deliver, and felt that his unnecessary racket was delaying him in its delivery.
    Col. Roosevelt wanted to make it plain in his last important speech during this campaign that he was going to take just as many steps toward radicalism as could be safely taken, and that he meant to devote the rest of his life to a fight for that, but that he did not intend to take one single step prematurely. He wanted his speech last night to stand as his final statement of the position which he and the Progressive Party occupy in this campaign.

Voice Clear, Though He Is in Pain.
    The Colonel's voice was as clear as a bell. It was perfectly evident, however, that he was suffering pain. He gesticulated entirely with his left arm, and when involuntarily he forgot himself and raised his right arm he drew it back quickly.
    He gestured, however, vehemently with his left arm, sometimes throwing it across his chest and often darting from one side of the platform to the other.
    When he left Oyster Bay in the morning he had not been well, but he had counted on the inspiration he would get from seeing the crowd to build him up, and evidently, he counted not in vain. People who had never seen him before could have had no idea that there was anything the matter with him. Those who had could see the difference very plainly, but even they were moved to admiration by the way in which the Colonel overcame his physical handicap and talked and acted like a well man.
    Before the Colonel arrived Gov. Johnson, the candidate for Vice President, and Oscar S. Straus had made speeches which were received with nearly as much enthusiasm as that of the Colonel. There had been moving pictures, and at every one of them where the Colonel's picture was displayed there was wild cheering. The Colonel did not arrive there until 9:18 o'clock, but it was 10:03 before he could make himself heard above the uproar that greeted him.
    In spite of the passion with which the Colonel sometimes spoke, the impersonal note of the speech gave it a flavor not usual with his public discussions, and seemed to set it in a class by itself. Men who had heard him many a time and had either admired or disapproved of his speeches, admitted that last night they had heard a new Roosevelt.

MOVING SCENES BEGIN EARLY.
Flags and Red-Bandanas Flashing — Men and Women Parading.
    An hour before the meeting was scheduled to begin more than half the seats in the Garden were filled. As the crowd arrived they found every gallery hung with the Stars and Stripes and the roof covered with four mighty flags which billowed among the girders. In their seats were copies of the Progressive song book and bandana handkerchiefs of the brightest red, and in a few minutes the men had tied the handkerchiefs in all sorts of fashions around their necks and the women had pinned them much more becomingly to their waists.
    The centre of attraction was a big stuffed bull moose near the Fourth Avenue entrance. It stood on a pedestal with a spot light playing upon it, and it was so huge it seemed to dominate the entire end of the Garden. It was posed in a most lifelike fashion, with the head upreared and its ears erect, as though it were about to charge as soon as it had discovered the exact location of its enemy.
    From the roof opposite the speakers' stand was suspended a great banner made of the Bull Moose bandana handkerchiefs. It was the battle flag of the Progressive Party of Poughkeepsie, and was made of bandana handkerchiefs collected from every State and Territory in the Union. While the audience waited for the speakers to arrive the Hudson Progressive Club paraded around the hall. It was headed by an old-fashioned transparency on which was perched a stuffed goat. This, it was announced among the inscriptions which decorated the sides of the transparency, was "Abe Gruber's Goat," and its melancholy position was shown by the plaintive "baas" which from time to time it 'was made to emit.
    A number of women were in the parade, and women formed a considerable proportion of the audience, but the greater part of those present were young men who showed their earnestness by the zeal with which they cheered at every opportunity, and from time to time gave forth curious low noises which were understood to be the typical cry of the bull moose. This enthusiasm was especially aroused by campaign mottoes and pictures displayed on a screen above the speakers' tribunal.

Banners That Evoked Cheers.
    "One of the best arguments for woman suffrage is Jane Addams herself," won a cheer from the suffragists, and a laugh followed as a crude colored picture was displayed of a trust magnate squeezing the "common people" in a vise and the legend:
    C is the Coal Trust who squeezes the people. How long will they stand it?
    A tombstone was displayed, erected to a factory girl who died of overwork, and the Tammany tiger was presented with its head crowned with a Princeton College cap. Homer Davenport's cartoon of Uncle Sam declaring Roosevelt was the man aroused a great round of cheers, and a series of moving pictures of the Colonel's Western campaigns was watched with a great deal of interest. He was shown in every possible kind of town, receiving a welcome from suffragettes at one, calling back sailors to shake their hands in another, and escorted by Mystic Shriners in a third.
    The first regular demonstration was given when Gov. Johnson, candidate for Vice President, and Oscar Straus, candidate for Governor, entered and mounted the platform together. Then the whole hall sprang to its feet with a yell and waved flags and bandana handkerchiefs and cheered itself hoarse, while the band played futilely in the gallery. First Gov. Johnson stood forward and bowed and then Mr. Straus took his share of applause, and then both candidates appeared at the front of the tribunal and waved to the crowd together.
    When the demonstration had continued for five minutes, James B. Carpenter, who led the singing at the Bull Moose Convention at Chicago, marshaled a few musicians at the tribunal and called on the audience to sing "America." They gave it with a will, and continued cheering wildly till William H. Hotchkiss got to the front with an enormous gavel. He pounded steadily for two or three minutes without much effect on the noise, and then hoisted a large megaphone. Through this he shouted that at that meeting of National significance he presented as Chairman Senator Dixon, Chairman of the National Progressive Party, and stood aside as three cheers were given for the Senator from Montana.
    Senator Dixon began by saying that the speakers of the evening would be the next Governor of the State of New York, Mr. Straus; the next Vice President of the United States, Gov. Johnson, and the next "our great President, the greatest living American, Theodore Roosevelt."
    A tremendous burst of applause greeted the first mention of the Progressive leader's name, and it was renewed tenfold as Senator Dixon added:
    "Our great leader, sorely wounded, but still in the ring."
    "The last 120 days." he said, "have seen the greatest political revolution ever witnessed by a self-governing democracy. It has seen the greatest fight waged for humanity itself that, the Republic has ever seen. A hundred days ago the old-time political leaders said, 'You could not realign the voters during one political campaign.' One hundred days have seen that fact accomplished."
    Senator Dixon said that he was certain that such States as Michigan, Indiana, Washington, California, and Oregon would give old-time Roosevelt majorities. His prediction brought forth wild cheers and cries of "What's the matter with old New York?" He went on to say that the Dakotas, Idaho, Montana, Nebraska, Kansas and Colorado would follow suit, and that Illinois would give Roosevelt and Johnson a landslide of 100,000.
    He then quoted a poll of 15,000 votes in Pittsburgh, from which he deduced that Taft wouldn't carry even two counties in Pennsylvania, and that Roosevelt would carry Allegheny County by a majority over Wilson and Taft combined.
    "Certainly." he declared, and the applause was ringing, "the great Empire State of New York will take her rightful place at the head of the line, and, of course, New Jersey is with us.
    "One final word; if every soldier in this great army of the Commonwealth does his and her full duty on the 4th of next March we shall hang our banners from the dome of the Capitol at Washington."
    Senator Dixon then introduced Mr. Straus, referring to him as one of the big men of the Nation, as an Ambassador to a foreign nation and as "a member of the greatest Cabinet you have seen in this generation."

Long Cheers for Straus.
    As Mr. Straus stepped forward he was greeted with bursts of cheers and a waving of bandanna handkerchiefs and flags which lasted for nearly two minutes. He said:
    "The difference between Progressivism and the old parties is this: The old parties have degenerated until they are dominated by property interests, while Progressivism is not only dominated but inspired by human interests. "The struggle for social justice is making itself felt in all enlightened lands. It cannot be ignored, nor can it be suppressed. With human foresight and statesmanly wisdom, it can be guided. The disturbing striving of one age, when wisely directed, become the constructive and preservative forces of the age that follows.
    "All reforms and reformers in every age have encountered the reactionaries of privilege and power, who have persuaded themselves that their vested interests, however acquired and however administered, were vested rights. These reactionaries, when not checked and made obedient to the legitimate demands and needs of the many, have produced a strong revolutionary movement at the other end of the social system.
    "In 1906 I was summoned to Washington and I was informed by the President that he had placed me at the head of the newest department of the Government, the Department of Commerce and Labor. He said to me:
    " 'Now, Mr. Secretary, I have placed you at the head of what I regard in many respects the most important department of our Government. It comprises on the one side the commercial questions, the advancement of commerce at home and abroad. On the other side, it has under its administration the human questions, questions affecting labor, immigration, the distribution of immigration, and other human questions. Now,' the President said, 'you will find in this great department both a human side and a commercial side, which compose our modern economic life, and I hope,' he said to me, 'that you will be able to harmonize these two great arteries of human interest, so as to promote the better welfare of both. Then he added: 'You will find at times a conflict between the human side and the commercial side, and when you find this conflict I hope you will lean on the human side.' These were the instructions that were given to me by the 'inspired leader' of the Progressive Party — Theodore Roosevelt.

Struggle for Social Justice.
    "Our country has been peculiarly blessed in the fact that in every important effort of its development, from the beginning, a leader has arisen who was best qualified to carry the Nation through storm and stress to that high plane of righteousness and justice that has builded a Nation which to-day stands foremost of all the Nations in the world in interpreting the spirit of human rights for the highest welfare of all the people.
    "Our first stage was the national constructive period under the Fathers; then the civil rights or preservative period for the abolition of slavery. Washington, Jefferson, and Lincoln were the leaders of the first two periods.
    "We are now in the third stage of our development — the struggle for social justice — and the leader of this third period of our national life is Theodore Roosevelt. Throughout his administration he gave himself with devotion of an inspired prophet to enlarge the opportunities of the plain people of the land by — to use his own words — 'the application of common sense to common problems for the common good under the guidance of the principles upon which this Republic was based and by virtue of which it exists.'
    "The principles upon which this new party has been founded will be carried to successful fruition throughout the Nation by our great leader, whose training and experience in practical problems of government will assure the Nation that no disturbance will follow any act of his, and in my own humble way I will, if elected Governor of this State, apply practical common sense to the problems that have to be met.
    "I think I need hardly ask the intelligent voters of this State whether they are willing to hand over to Tammany Hall the spending in the next two years in this State of two hundred millions of dollars, besides the special appropriation of fifty millions for roads, in addition to the budget of Greater New York, approximating another two hundred millions of dollars?"
    At the conclusion of Mr. Straus's speech, after warning the audience, that a flashlight picture was to be taken, Senator Dixon said that "what was left of the Republican Party" had rented the Garden for Friday, but had surrendered the contract because, he said, apparently they were afraid they couldn't fill the place. Chairman Hotchkiss, he said, had, thereupon, taken the Garden instead, and a meeting will be held at which Mr. Straus would certainly speak, and if everything was all right, Col. Roosevelt would be the guest of honor.
    He then introduced Gov. Johnson as a man who measured up to Presidential timber, and who as Governor of California had "fought the great fight against special privilege," and had driven out forever from Californian politics "an invisible empire in the shape of the Southern Pacific Railway."
    Gov. Johnson's reception left him nothing to desire in its enthusiasm. Once more the flags and the bandannas were called into play; once more the sound of the band in the gallery was completely drowned. When at length quiet was restored, he said:
    "The victory is won, not alone the Victory marked by the counting of the ballots, but the victory in the broader and higher sense that comes from the crystalization of a great public sentiment founded on a moral conception and forcing its way to fulfillment and achievement.

Shaping for Many Years.
    "The great movement that finally this year has found its expression in the Progressive Party has not been of the growth of a day or of a year. For many weary years it has been striving and struggling in the great shadow of privilege, unorganized, without real direction, unspoken often, but existing long. When a great National and industrial development made possible gigantic combinations of wealth, and these combinations, representing but few human beings, exercised wrongfully for selfish profit their colossal influence and power, the rumbling protest of those compelled to pay the price was first heard.
    "When first the injustice of these enormous combinations fell upon the overburdened weak, then this movement had its genesis, and it continued and grew until there was in this Nation a great unorganized sentiment against subtle injustice, against abstraction and appropriation from those who had little to those who had much; against conditions of inequality and oppression bearing harder and harder on those least able to bear it, and upon those very people who, in the final analysis, make for the prosperity, stability, and real wealth of a nation.
    "But a brief period ago, to have preached our doctrine of minimum wage for women, shorter hours for men, social insurance to provide for old age, accident, and lack of employment, and our programme generally or social and industrial justice, would have subjected us to denunciation publicly as 'destroyers,' 'demagogues,' and 'anarchists.' To-day, while secretly frothing with bitterness at the doctrine, our opponents dare not publicly oppose it.
    "The Progressive Party has contributed to the Nation the programme of political reform that means true popular rule. It has brought back Government to its pristine purpose, the care of human kind. It has presented its programme of justice to which the patriotism of the Nation has subscribed, and it has burst from the shell of shams in National political contests. Its cause is destined to be the cause not only of a great Nation, but of humanity. Progressivism is founded upon a rock, and it will endure."

Roosevelt In: then Bedlam.
    Gov. Johnson was still speaking, when a sound of distant cheering, growing ever louder, began to be heard. He continued until a sudden rush of men filled the entrance beneath the speaker's tribunal, showing that the chief speaker of the evening was about to arrive. Col. Roosevelt's actual entrance into the hall was hardly seen by the audience, as he had only A few steps to go before he reached the tribunal. But the very moment that the well-known figure appeared striding to the front of the platform Bedlam was let loose.
    Unless people had known that he had only recently had such a narrow escape from death they would never have known it from his appearance. Perhaps his ruddy countenance was a shade less healthy; perhaps there was a certain stiffness in his movements. But through a demonstration which lasted for forty-five minutes he stood on the platform without betraying any sign of weakness. One thing, however, was noticeable, as he waved to the audience in his old enthusiastic way, as he caught the eye of a friend and made a gesture toward him, it was always his left arm that he used. His right arm hung motionless by his side.
    Just as Col. Roosevelt reached the platform the inevitable crank appeared. Capt. Fritz Duquesne, in charge of the Colonel's bodyguard, saw a hatless man pushing his way toward the Presidential candidate. Duquesne pushed him back, but not until the intruder had got within a few feet of the Colonel, and then only after the bodyguard had knocked him down. Frank Tyree, a United States Marshal from Virginia, who as a Secret Service man guarded Col. Roosevelt when he was President, seized the crank and hurried him down stairs, where the man was ejected.
    But he was not all smiles by any means. Time and again those seated close to the speakers' stand could see him bring his teeth together with a sharp snap of his lower jaw which left him gazing out over the howling and cheering multitude, grim as a general at eve of battle, but looking also a bit self-conscious and troubled at the great homage all these warm friends were paying him. There was more of smiles and less of sternness in his acceptance of adoration in other days.

Cheers, Stamping, and Singing.
    When the crowd grew tired of cheering it started a thunder of pedal applause that shook the timber flooring of the Garden, and when that raised too much dust, it switched off into singing, under the guidance of the crashing, booming band, "A Hot Time in the Old Town To-night," "Everybody's Doing It — He's a bear, he's a bear, he's a bear!" and "Dixie"; switched gradually into the more solemn "Hail to the Chief" and the fervid strains of "Onward Christian Soldiers," until the crowd, now fifteen minutes from the start of bedlam. felt strong enough again to resume its cheering and noise. Then, with hundred-fold repetition, the crowd, shouting gradually as one man, broke into a deafening chorus of "We want Teddy! We want Teddy!" That tickled the Colonel more than all the cheering and hymning theretofore.
    They started "Onward Christian Soldiers" again, but presently that ended up in "Three Cheers for the Red, White, and Blue," and then the Colonel, too, joined in, the singing. Several times Gov. Johnson, and also Senator Dixon, moved up to the Colonel amid the deafening din, and seemed to ask him whether he was not tired out and weakening. But the Colonel only waved them back to their seats and turned with renewed waving of his left arm and more cordial smiles to the audience.
    It was now 9:53 o'clock, and it was apparent that they were going to keep the uproar alive until forty-five minutes or even an hour had been rounded out. They were all hoarse and streaming with perspiration as they stood there on chairs and in the aisle, men and women alike, mad with enthusiasm, waving their bandanas and flags. The Colonel took a glass of water vicariously for them and drank it, and then, refreshed, they cheered more than ever. The searchlight blazed forth on him now, and that brought more cheers.
    It was only when 10 o'clock had been reached, and the Colonel, his face showing by a slight moisture that he was really feeling the strain, held up his hand solemnly to make them pause, that they finally gave in and became gradually quiet.
    Col. Roosevelt read his speech in a vigorous, powerful voice with all his old-time explosiveness as to B's and P's, and sharp hissing sibilants and clear enunciation. Only, he used few gestures, and then only with the hand that held his manuscript. He nodded his head with short sharp jerks to drive home his points the more vigorously, however.
    At the outset of his speech, there was some noise near the platform as persons who had crowded in late tried to get seats, and officers tried to keep them back. Col. Roosevelt noticed that, and bending forward shouted:
    "Keep those people quiet, please! Officers, be quiet!"
    The noise was hushed almost immediately. Then, in a clear, ringing voice that could be heard as distinctly in the furthest parts of the galleries as near the platform itself, Col. Roosevelt read his speech. One striking fact borne home on many of his listeners was his failure often to use the first personal pronoun singular which he has made so famous, substituting for it almost invariably the words "we Progressives" or the plain and apparently not editorial "we."

ROOSEVELT'S SPEECH.
    Here is Col. Roosevelt's speech in full:
    "Friends, perhaps once in a generation, perhaps not so often, there comes a chance for the people of a country to play their part wisely and fearlessly in some great battle of the age-long warfare for human rights. To our fathers the chance came in the mighty days of Abraham Lincoln, of the man who thought and toiled and suffered for the people with a sad, patient, and kindly endeavor. To our forefathers the chance came in the troubled years that stretched from the time when the First Continental Congress gathered to the time when Washington was inaugurated as first President of the Republic. To us in our turn the chance has now come to stand for liberty and righteousness as in their day those dead men stood for liberty and righteousness. Our task is not as great as theirs. Yet it is well-nigh as important. Our task is to profit by the lessons of the past, and to check in time the evils that grow around us, lest our failure to do so may cause dreadful disaster to the people. We must not sit supine and helpless. We must not permit the brutal selfishness of arrogance and the brutal selfishness of envy, each to run unchecked its evil course. If we do so, then some day smoldering hatred will suddenly kindle into a consuming flame, and either we or our children will be called on to face a crisis as grim as any which this Republic has ever seen.
    "It is our business to show that nine-tenths of wisdom consists in being wise in time. Woe to our Nation if we let matters drift, if in our industrial and political life we let an unchecked and utterly selfish individualistic materialism riot to its appointed end! That end would be widespread disaster, for it would mean that our people would be sundered by those dreadful lines of division which are drawn when the selfish greed of the haves is set over against the selfish greed of the have-nots. There is but one way to prevent such a division, and that is to forestall it by the kind of a movement in which we are now engaged.

Preaching No New Doctrine.
    "Our movement is one of resolute insistence upon the rights and full acknowledgment of the duties of every man and every woman within this great land of ours. We war against the forces of evil, and the weapons we use are the weapons of right. We do not set greed against greed or hatred against hatred. Our creed is one that bids us to be just to all, to feel sympathy for all, and to strive for an understanding of the needs of all. Our purpose is to smite down wrong. But toward those who have done the wrong we feel only the kindliest charity that is compatible with causing the wrong to cease. We preach hatred to no man, and the spirit in which we work is as far removed from vindictiveness as from weakness. We are resolute to do away with the evil, and we intend to proceed with such wise and cautious sanity as will cause the very minimum of disturbance that is compatible with achieving our purpose.
    "Do not forget, friends, that we are not proposing to substitute law for character. We are merely proposing to buttress character by law. We fully recognize that, as has been true in the past, so it is true now, and ever will be true, the prime factor in each man or woman's success must normally be that man or woman's own character — character, the sum of many qualities, but above all of the qualities of honesty, of courage, and of common sense. Nothing will avail a nation if there is not the right type of character among the average men and women, the plain people, the hard-working, decent-living, right-thinking people, who make up the great bulk of our citizenship. I know my countrymen; I know that they are of this type. But it is in civil life, as it is in war. In war it is the man behind the gun that counts most, and yet he cannot do his work unless he has the right kind of gun. In civil life, in the everyday life of our Nation, it is individual character which counts most; and yet the individual character cannot avail unless in addition thereto there lie ready to hand the social weapons which can be forged only by law and by public opinion operating through and operated upon by law.

Shackling Cunning and Brutal Force.

    "Again, friends, do not forget that we are proposing no new principles. The doctrines we preach reach back to the Golden Rule and the Sermon on the Mount They reach back to the Commandments delivered at Sinai. All that we are doing is to apply those doctrines in the shape necessary to make them available for meeting the living issues of our own day. We decline to be bound by the empty little cut-and-dried formulas of bygone philosophies, useful once, perhaps, but useless now. Our purpose is to shackle greedy cunning as we shackle brutal force, and we are not to be diverted from this purpose by the appeal to the dead dogmas of a vanished past. We propose to lift the burdens from the lowly and the weary, from the poor and the oppressed. We propose to stand for the sacred rights of childhood and womanhood. Nay, more, we propose to see that manhood is not crushed out of the men who toil, by excessive hours of labor, by underpayment, by injustice and oppression. When this purpose can only be secured by the collective action of our people through their governmental agencies, we propose so to secure it. We brush aside the arguments of those who seek to bar action by the repetition of some formula about "States' rights" or about "the history of liberty" being "the history of the limitation of governmental power," or about the duty of the courts finally to determine the meaning of the Constitution. We are for human rights and we intend to work for them in efficient fashion. Where they can be best obtained by the application of the doctrines of States' rights, then we are for States' rights. Where, in order to obtain them, it is necessary to invoke the power of the Nation, then we shall invoke to its uttermost limits that mighty power. We are for liberty. But we are for the liberty of the oppressed, and not for the liberty of the oppressor to oppress the weak and to bind burdens on the shoulders of the heavy laden. It is idle to ask us not to exercise the power of the Government when only by the power of the Government can we curb the greed that sits in high places, when only by the exercise of the Government can we exalt the lowly and give heart to the humble and the downtrodden.
    "We care for facts and not for formulas. We care for deeds and not for words. We recognize no sacred right of oppression. We recognize no divine right to work injustice. We stand for the Constitution. We recognize that one of its most useful functions is the protection of property. But we will not consent to make of the Constitution a fetich for the protection of fossilized wrong. We call the attention of those who thus interpret it to the fact that in that great instrument of justice life and liberty are put on a full level with property, indeed, are enumerated ahead of it in the order of their importance. We stand for an upright judiciary. But where the Judges claim the right to make our laws by finally interpreting them, by finally deciding whether or not we have the power to make them, then we claim the right ourselves to exercise that power. We forbid any men, no matter what their official position may be, to usurp the right which is ours, the right which is the people's. We recognize in neither court nor Congress, nor President, any divine right to override the will of the people expressed with due deliberation in orderly fashion and through the forms of law.
    "We Progressives hold that the words of the Declaration of Independence, as given effect to by Washington and as construed and applied by Abraham Lincoln, are to be accepted as real, and not as empty phrases. We believe that in very truth this is a Government by the people themselves, that the Constitution is theirs, that the courts are theirs, that all the governmental agents and agencies are theirs. We believe that all true leaders of the people must fearlessly stand for righteousness and honesty, must fearlessly tell the people what justice and honor demand. But we no less strongly insist that it is for the people themselves finally to decide all questions of public policy and to have their decision made effective.
    "In the platform formulated by the Progressive Party we have set forth clearly and specifically our faith on every vital point at issue before this people.
    "We have declared our position on the trusts and on the tariff, on the machinery for securing genuine popular government, on the method of meeting the needs of the farmer, of the business man and of the man who toils with his hands, in the mine or on the railroad, in the factory or in the shop. There is not a promise we have made which cannot be kept. There is not a promise we have made that will not be kept. Our platform is a covenant with the people of the United States, and if we are given the power we will live up to that covenant in letter and in spirit.

Stand in Spirit of Brotherhood.
    "We know that there are in life injustices which we are powerless to remedy. But we know also that there is much injustice which can be remedied, and this injustice we intend to remedy. We know that the long path leading upward toward the light cannot be traversed at once, or in a day, or in a year. But there are certain stops that can be taken at once. These we intend to take. Then, having taken these first stops, we shall see more clearly how to walk still further with a bolder stride. We do not intend to attempt the impossible. But there is much, very much, that is possible in the way of righting wrong and remedying injustice, and all that is possible we intend to do. We intend to strike down privilege, to equalize opportunity, to wrest justice from the hands that do injustice, to hearten and strengthen men and women for the hard battle of life. We stand shoulder to shoulder in a spirit of real brotherhood. We recognise no differences of class, creed, or birthplace. We recognize no factionalism. Our appeal is made to the Easterner no less than to the Westerner. Our appeal is made to the Southerner no less than to the Northerner. We appeal to the men who wore the gray just as we appeal to the men who wore the blue. We appeal to the sons of the men who followed Lee no less than, to the sons of the men who followed Grant; for the memory of the great deeds of both is now part of the common heritage of honor which belongs to all our people, wherever they dwell.

There Must Be Time for Play.
    "We firmly believe that the American people feel hostility to no man who has honestly won success. We firmly believe that the American people ask only justice, justice each for himself and justice each for all others. They are against wickedness in rich man and poor man alike. They are against lawless and murderous violence exactly as they are against the sordid materialism which seeks, wealth by trickery and cheating whether on a large or a small scale. They wish to deal honestly and in good faith with all men. They recognize that the prime National need is for honesty, honesty in public life and in private life, honesty in business and in politics, honesty in the broadest and deepest significance of the word. We Progressives are trying to represent what we know to be the highest ideals and the deepest and most intimate convictions of the plain men and women, of the good men and women, who work for the home and within the home.
    "Our people work hard and faithfully. They do not wish to shirk their work. They must fee] pride in the work for the work's sake. But there must be bread for the work. There must be a time for play when the men and women are young. When they grow old there must be the certainty of rest under conditions free from the haunting terror of utter poverty. We believe that no life is worth anything unless it is a life of labor and effort and endeavor. We believe in the joy that comes with work, for he who labors best is really happiest. We must shape conditions so that no one can own the spirit of the man who loves his task and gives the best there is in him to that task, and it matters not whether this man reaps and sows and wrests his livelihood from the rugged reluctance of the soil or whether with hand or brain he plays his part in the tremendous industrial activities of our great cities. We are striving to meet the needs of all these men, and to meet them in such fashion that all alike shall feel bound together in the bond of a common brotherhood, when each works hard for himself and for those dearest to him, and yet feels that he must also think of his brother's rights because he is in very truth that brother's keeper.

The Watchword.
    "Seven months ago in this city, almost at the beginning of the present campaign, I spoke as follows:
    " 'The leader for the time being, whoever he may be, is but an instrument, to be used until broken and then to be cast aside; and if he is worth his salt he will care no more when he is broken than a soldier cares when he is sent where his life is forfeit in order that the victory may be won. In the long fight for righteousness the watchword for all of us is spend and be spent. It is of little matter whether any one man fails or succeeds; but the cause shall not fail, for it is the cause of mankind. We here in America, hold in our hands the hope of the world, the fate of the coming years, and shame and disgrace will be ours if in our eyes the light of high resolve is dimmed, if we trail in the dust the golden hopes of Men.'
    "Friends, what I said then I say now. Surely there never was a greater opportunity than ours. Surely there never was a fight better worth making than this. I believe we shall win, but win or lose I am glad beyond measure that I am one of the many who in this fight have stood ready to spend and be spent, pledged to fight while life lasts the great fight for righteousness and for brotherhood and for the welfare of mankind."

Plot To Kill Europeans.

New York Times 100 years ago today, October 31, 1912:
Massacre of Leading Foreign Residents at Beirut Planned.
    LONDON, Thursday, Oct. 31.— According to trustworthy information, a plot has been discovered at Beirut, Syria, to massacre, the leading European residents.
    In response to the appeal of the French Consul there, a French warship is now cruising in Syrian waters.

Pachitch Originated The Alliance.

New York Times 100 years ago today, October 31, 1912:
    BELGRADE, Oct. 30.— A telegram which the Bulgarian Premier sent after the declaration of war greeting the Servian Premier, M. Pachitch, as the originator of the Balkan alliance, is published here.
    The narrow escape of the King's brother. Prince Arsene, is described in dispatches which have Just reached here. After the surrender of Kumanova the Prince, with his staff, sought shelter in a house supposed to be unoccupied. While searching it several shots were fired and three armed Arnauts who were in concealment were found.

Officer Killed Djavid Pasha.

New York Times 100 years ago today, October 31, 1912:
Turkish Leader Reported Shot by One of His Own Subordinates.
    BELGRADE, Oct. 30.— Djavid Pasha was shot and killed by one of his own officers because he ordered further resistance at Veles, according to reports received here from Uskulo.
    The reports are to the effect that a quarrel occurred among the Turkish commanders after their defeat at Kumanova by the Servians. The result was that Zekki Pasha, the Commander in Chief, ordered a retreat, while a few officers, acting on their own responsibility, ordered their men to resist the Servian advance at Veles.

Negroes Disfranchised.

New York Times 100 years ago today, October 31, 1912:
South's Test of Intelligence Too Much for Majority.
    In "The Afro-American Book of Facts and Figures," which has been freely distributed by the Republican National Committee, it is told that "the potential voting strength of the negroes in the United States, counting all of the males 21 years of age, is 2,459,422, or 9.1 percent. of the total potential voting strength of the United States. It is further stated that "many of these voters in the Southern Democratic States are practically disfranchised and debarred from voting." This is true in very large measure, and there is a very good reason for it.

* * *

    In all the States all elections are held by ballot. The size of the ballot, the sort of paper on which it must be printed, the party emblems to be employed, how the names of the candidates shall be printed, are all prescribed by statute. In Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Louisiana, Mississippi, Tennessee, Texas, and Virginia, the Australian ballot law has been adopted, with such modifications as have been deemed desirable in the interest of fair elections. In Georgia, North Carolina, and South Carolina the method of voting is different from the Australian plan. In these States the form of ballot, the rules for marking the ballots and the procedures by which the names of candidates are placed on the ballots are all prescribed by law. In the interest of fair elections the act of voting has been made difficult with the object, ostensibly, of compelling an intelligent exercise of the franchise. Really the Southern States have felt the necessity of adopting very stringent electoral provisions as a bar to the exercise of the voting privilege by the immense mass of potential negro voters living in that part of the country, to meet the war amendments to the Constitution touching the suffrage by such methods as have been possible under the law. By constitutional authority and legislative enactment the negro vote has been eliminated, practically, as a source of danger to good government. There are comparatively few colored voters in the South, notwithstanding the numerical strength of the race. The law prescribes the qualifications of all voters, without regard to race, color, or previous condition; but the conditions are so hard that few colored voters can meet the tests required of them and, technicality at least required of all men.

* * *

    According to the census of 1910 there are 2,459,327 negroes of voting age in the United States, and of this number 213,923 live in Alabama, 111,385 in Arkansas, 89,659 in Florida, 266,814 in Georgia, 174,211 in Louisiana, 146,752 in North Carolina, 160,398 in South Carolina, 119,142 in Tennessee, 166,398 in Texas, and 159,593 in Virginia. This gives what is euphemistically called a "potential" negro voting strength in the ten Southern States named of 1,616,255. At the election in 1908 the vote for President was as follows in these States:

    Alabama— Democratic, 74,374; Republican, 25,305.
    Arkansas— Democratic, 87,015; Republican, 56,760.
    Florida— Democratic, 31,104; Republican, 10,654.
    Georgia— Democratic, 72,413; Republican, 41,602.
    Louisiana— Democratic, 63,568; Republican, 8,958.
    Mississippi—Democratic, 60,287; Republican, 4,363.
    North Carolina—Democratic 138,995; Republican, 114,937.
    South Carolina— Democratic, 62,283; Republican, 3,463.
    Tennessee—Democratic, 135,003; Republican, 118,324.
    Texas—Democratic, 217,302; Republican, 65,666.
    Virginia—Democratic, 82,046; Republi-can, 52573.

    In North Carolina and Tennessee there has always been a very considerable white population affiliated with the Republican Party, and in Alabama and Georgia, to which States there has been a large migration of Northern and Western people, the Republican Party has had something more than a mere local habitation and name. At the last Presidential election the total Republican vote in the Southern States noted aggregated 1,527,045, or 89,160 less than the total negro population in these Suites of voting age; yet it would be ridiculous to claim upon this basis that less than 100,000 negro voters in these States had been disfranchised.

* * *

    The exact figures are not available, but it is fair to say that there are not in all those States more than 250,000 negroes of voting age who are qualified to vote. Their "potential strength"— and that is the very thing their white neighbors have feared and against which they have fortified themselves—is great; their actual voting strength is negligible. In South Carolina, for example, with its 169,308 negroes of voting age, it is not an underestimate to pay that there are not exceeding 20,000 who have complied with or who can comply with the very clear terms of Section 174 of the election law of the State requiring that "every male citizen of this State and of the United States, 21 years of age and upward * * * shall have paid six months before any election any poll tax then due and payable, and who can read and write any section of the said Constitution, (the State Constitution of 1895,) submitted to him by the registration officers, or can show that he owns and has paid all taxes collectible due the previous year on property in the State assessed at $300 or more and who shall apply for registration," shall be registered. No man can vote who has not been registered, and no man can be registered who does not possess either an educational or property qualification, the registration officers many of whom could not themselves construe the Constitution to save their necks —being the judges of the educational qualification of voters, and the tax-books determining the property requirement.

* * *
    By such means as these the negro vote in the South has been cut to the bone. There is nothing in it to affright any longer the white people who live with it, so long as they preserve their solidarity: there is nothing in it that would justify the rest of the country in basing its calculations of the outcome of any partisan National election upon this shoal of shifting sand. The white folks are in the saddle down South, just as they are "up North," and there they expect to stay, whatever the exigencies of partisan and sectional politics in other parts of this blessed Union. They know why the negro was disfranchised, they have had bitter experience with his fitness for self-government, and by "the peaceable fruits of righteousness," that is to say, by keeping carefully within the cover of the Federal Constitution, they have provided by law for the undoing of the work of the sword. Down to this year, and this year also in point of fact, the Republicans have counted the negro for representation in their political conventions and the Democrats of the South have counted them for representation in Congress, so that there appears to have been a fair stand-off between the parties in respect of the negro in politics, with this difference in favor of the Democrats, that the Constitution provides population, not voters, as the basis of representation.

          J. C. H.

Hint That Balkans Will Defy Powers.

New York Times 100 years ago today, October 31, 1912:
Bulgarian Semi-Official Paper Says They Had Better Forget the Status Quo.
BLAMES THEM FOR THE WAR
Austrian-Russian Understanding Reached — G. H. Moses Says Turkey Is Likely Soon to Sue for Peace.    SOFIA, Oct. 30.—The Mir, a semi-official newspaper, declares that if European diplomacy is honestly desirous of establishing a lasting peace after the war its duty is to forget the "status quo" formula.
    "After the bloody sacrifice's and glorious victories," says the paper, "this formula deals a blow at the brave allied armies and is unworthy of diplomacy, which was responsible for unloosing the war when everything could have been gained by the execution of the treaties elaborated by that very diplomacy.
    "We must also protest against the word 'reforms.' The war has radically modified the situation, and changes must ensue which can be nothing if not radical. Everything must be in proportion to the success of the allied armies and to the sacrifices they have made by the blood they have shed."

Deputies Kept Out.

New York Times 100 years ago today, October 31, 1912:
Troops Stop Members of Opposition from Entering Hungarian House.
    BUDAPEST, Oct. 30.— The members of the Opposition in the Hungarian Parliament, when they tried to enter the House to-day, were met by a strong military cordon, which completely surrounded the Parliament buildings and prevented their approach.
    The Opposition Deputies, led by Count Albert Apponyi, Count Michael Karolyi, and Francis Kossuth, made an attempt to get through, but were forced to retire. Before doing so they made a violent protest.
    The dissension in the Hungarian Parliament has been continuous since May 22, when Count Tisza was elected Speaker of the Lower House. Count Tisza's opposition to universal suffrage, which is demanded by the Opposition, has caused great bitterness and has led to frequent violent scenes in Parliament and rioting in the streets of Budapest. On June 7 Count Tisza narrowly escaped assassination in the House, where Deputy Julius Kovacs fired at him three times.
    The Opposition members were then ejected, and the proceedings have been carried on since then solely by supporters of the Government.

Cordon Around Scutari.

New York Times 100 years ago today, October 31, 1912:
    RIEKA, Montenegro, Oct. 30.—The Montenegrins have captured an important position on Mount Bardigniol, thus completing a. cordon around Scutari.
    The centre column of Montenegrin troops, commanded by Crown Prince Danilo, to-day effected a junction with the Southern Montenegrin army under Gen. Martinovitch to the east of Scutari.
    A vigorous bombardment is being maintained dally against Tarabosch, but no decisive progress has been made.
    Floods last Friday carried away a bridge across the river near Scutari, cutting off from the town 4,000 Turkish troops.
    King Nicholas, in reply to a question, "How long will Scutari hold out?" said to-day:
    "We should have been in possession of it days ago if I were not obliged always to have regard for the valuable lives of my soldiers. My Montenegrins are brave and full of self-sacrifice, but their numbers are inconsiderable. My sacred duty is to spare their lives so that Montenegro may be able to win more battles. We have sufficient time, for, even without our assistance, the common cause of the Balkan kingdoms has already been crowned with success."

The Bulgarian Triumph.

New York Times 100 years ago today, October 31, 1912:
    SOFIA, Thursday, Oct. 31.— After two days' fighting the Bulgarian Army has gained a complete victory over the principal Turkish forces.
    The Turks have retreated in disorder.
    The town of Lule-Burgas has been taken by the Bulgarians.
    Lule-Burgas was an important point in the Turkish second line of defense, which stretched from there westward to Demotika. Its capture would indicate that this second line has been broken.
    The Turks will probably retreat to Tchorlu, where they may possibly make a stand.
    Adrianople is now completely surrounded by the Bulgarians, whose attacks are meeting with great success, according to the newspaper Mir. The position of the Turks is critical.
    It is officially reported that the Turkish troops at Adrianople have made several sorties, chiefly to the west and northwest, but have invariably been repulsed.
    There are persistent rumors that the Bulgarian cavalry have reached Rodosto, where the Turks have been landing troops brought from Asia Minor.

A Bloody War.

New York Times 100 years ago today, October 31, 1912:
    At best the war in the Balkans was bound to bring suffering unknown in other modern conflicts. None of the armies was supplied with adequate modern means for caring for the wounded. The troops of Turkey have notoriously been neglected in this regard, and the military system has been much demoralised by the changes of Government due to a conspiracy in the army. The armies of the Balkan league, also insufficiently equipped, were put in motion so hurriedly that this defect became an the more evident. The rapid movements of the invaders have all been made across a rough country, over poor roads, with no railways available, and the transport department necessarily was used first for the troops fit to fight. In many of the encounters the wounded were left entirely without care, to die on the field. In all of them provision for them has been scant and poor.
    In addition to these inevitable causes of cruel suffering there is the savagery of the combatants. So far specific accounts of bloody outrage have come only from Bulgarian and Servian sources. They would be incredible if we did not know only too well from recent history how terrible is the cruelty of racial and religious passion among the wild tribes of Asia and among the Moslems native to the Balkan provinces. It is to be remembered also that the very first movements of the league's armies across the Turkish frontier were to be traced by burning villages whose population was scattered or slain.
    It is not too much to say that what in the cold technical language of the soldier's profession are called "casualties" have so far been, and will continue to be, double those of any war in modern times. And it ought not to make easy the sleep of the statesmen of the civilised nations of Europe to reflect that the ghastly slaughter and suffering might wholly have been avoided had they had the courage to compel Turkey to treat her European subjects decently.

60,000 See New York Launched Perfectly.

New York Times 100 years ago today, October 31, 1912:
Our Biggest Warship Cheered by President Taft, Heads of Navy, and Great Throng.
CONSTRUCTORS ARE PLEASED
Miss Calder Throws Wine Bottle Too Gently and Officer Has to Smash It as Ship Slides Down Ways.
    The superdreadnought New York, with her sister the Texas, the greatest of battleships, was launched in the presence of a throng of about 60,000 persons at the New York Navy Yard in Brooklyn yesterday morning. The great mass of steel which is destined to be the flagship of the fighting fleet in the Atlantic took her initial plunge in the presence of the President of the United States, the Secretary and the Assistant Secretary of the Navy, of the Commander-in-chief of the Atlantic, the Governor of New York and hundreds of other persons who are prominent in the political, business and social life of America.
    The day was a perfect one for the launching, and when Commander John R Bailey, the young naval constructor who is soon to celebrate his thirty-fifth birthday, touched the electric button that started the New York on her way to the East River, the thousands on shore jumped and cheered, the sirens of four great dreadnoughts blew and blew, while out in the stream the naval tugs and patrol boats let out a shrieking welcome to the coming queen of the seas.
    It was an inspiring sight and none appreciated it more than did the President. He clapped his hands again and again and then he leaned far over the rail of the stand and looked at a youthful officer of the service, the only one in that great throng who was not in the glittering uniform of his rank. The officer was Bailey, the Annapolis man who is in charge of the construction of the greatest ship the Government itself has ever undertaken to build. And Bailey looked pleased. A look of great relief shown in his face. Had anything gone wrong, he would have been the one to shoulder the blame. But nothing went wrong. The battleship started on her journey to the waters as gently as the great dreadnoughts already finished steam from their anchorages. When she struck the water she glided swiftly out into the river and under the Williamsburg Bridge, where a fleet of pursuing naval tugs caught her and dragged her back to the Navy Yard.

The Arrangements Perfect.
    Eleven o'clock was the hour set for the New York to be launched, and it was 11 to the second when Bailey touched the button and sent her on her way. The sight was magnificent, and the surroundings impressive. On the piers, on the tops of buildings, in the vacant spaces to the right and to the left of the battleships, on the decks of the dreadnoughts and other vessels in the yard, and on the stands in the rear of the cradle in which the great ship then rested, the thousands of spectators were massed. So perfect was the arrangement that there was no excuse for any person in that splendid throng to have missed seeing the New York when she shot down the ways on which more than a ton of the finest lubricants had been used.
    The stand for the officials was erected just back of the prow of the ship. For the girl who was to name the New York a bay window sort of arrangement was provided to the port of the New York's prow. This girl was Miss Elsie Calder, daughter of Congressman Calder of Brooklyn. She stood in the midst of a distinguished group of men, among whom was the President. Secretary Meyer, Admiral Osterhaus, the Commander in Chief of the Atlantic Fleet; Major Gen. Barry, commanding the Eastern Division of the army; Gov. Dix, J. Pierpont Morgan, and Congressman J. J. Fitzgerald of Brooklyn, who brought his little daughter Kathleen, a mite of a girl to whom was given the honor of pelting the New York with roses when she retreated from her prison ashore.
    More than 50,000 invitations to the launching were sent out by the Navy Department, and if one of these 50,000 persons failed to show up, the Department would be pleased to learn his name and to tell him he missed one of the finest spectacles in the history of the navy. In addition to the 50,000 invited guests, there were more than 5,000 bluejackets and marines present, and as many more youngsters and others who managed to get through the marine cordon without the aid of a pass.
    The crowd began to assemble soon after 8 o'clock yesterday morning, and from that hour until within a few minutes of the launching hour, Sands Street, from the Brooklyn Bridge entrance to the Navy Yard gate and Flushing Avenue in both directions, was jammed with an onrushing good-natured crowd of men, women, and children. The police arrangements, under Inspector Harkins and Capt. Arthur Carey, were splendid, and 200 uniformed men formed a line through which the launching visitors marched to the yard. Inside the yard polite marines were in charge and saw to it that every person was placed where he or she could see the New York when Commander Bailey consigned her to the waters.

Greeting the President.
    The coming of the President and his party was announced by the thundering of the Presidential salute of twenty-one guns from the superdreadnoughts Wyoming and Arkansas, now the two mightiest of American ships in commission, but which will have to take second place when the New York and the Texas enter the first line of the national sea defense. The Florida and the Utah, sister superdreadnoughts, the former being the first ship of that class built at the Navy Yard, the champion efficiency ship of all the navy; the Delaware, and she, too, is a superdreadnought, and lastly the battleship Connecticut of the Atlantic fleet, which is soon, however, to transfer that honor to the newer and mightier Wyoming. Also Joining in the tribute of powder and smoke to the President was the receiving ship Hancock, while the torpedo boats, which do not fire salutes, gracefully curtsied with their flags in welcoming the Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy.
    The President proceeded through cheering crowds to the stand. There he met Miss Calder and little Miss Fitzgerald. With him came Secretary Meyer, Chairman Hilles of the Republican National Committee, Assistant Secretary of the Navy Winthrop, Major Rhoades, his military aid and Lieut. Timmons, his naval aid. In a few minutes the President's party was joined by Admiral Osterhaus, Gen. Barry, Mr. Morgan, ex-Secretary of the Navy Benjamin F. Tracy, ex-Assistant Secretary of the Navy, Herbert L. Satterlee, Rear Admiral Fiske, Commanding the First Division of the Atlantic Fleet, Miss Helen Miller Gould, Capt. Gleaves, Commandant of the Navy Yard, Rear Admiral Watt, the Chief Constructor of the Navy; Naval Constructor Stock er, Rear Admiral Cone, Chief of the Bureau of Steam Engineering; Brig. Gen. Tasker H. Bliss, U. S. A; Col. John A. Hull, U. S. A., Gov. Dix, Adjutant General Verbeck, N. G. N. Y., and Capt. Frank K. Hill, Chief of Staff of the Atlantic Fleet.
    The arrival of the President signalled the beginning of the final preparations for the launching. Bailey, the builder of superdreadnoughts, hustled about seeing that everything was exactly right. It all rested on his young shoulders and he knew it. The knocking away of heavy timbers underneath the great steel hull of the New York began and with each drop of the hammers the crowd knew that the great moment was nearer. At three minutes to eleven the knocking stopped, and there was a great silence. Over 100,000 eyes were focused on the red hull of the New York.

The Bottle Refuses to Break.
    Two minutes passed and the New York still rested in her cradle. Another minute passed and then there was a mighty shout. The New York was moving. Slowly and majestically for a second or two and then like a rocket the great mass shot down the greased ways. A girl in white who stood by the President of the United States grasped in both her hands a big bottle of wine. She let it go and in her excitement she released it gently instead of flinging it with all the strength at her command. The bottle touched the side of the New York. It was just a tap and the bottle did not break.
    A young man on the dreadnought quickly saw what had happened. He caught the end of the rope to which the dangling bottle was attached, and drawing it up, quickly threw it from him, and this time the bottle came back with a vim and smashed itself against the side of the battleship.
    Like a thing of life the New York rushed for the water. It seemed minutes, yet it was only seconds, before her stern struck. There was a great splash that kicked up a wave that looked like a mid-Atlantic comber. Ashore the crowd cheered madly, the bandsmen tried their best to make the "Star-Spangled Banner" heard above the din, the whistles on tug's whistled and shrieked, and the sirens of more than 100,000 tons of dreadnoughts let out a mighty blast of welcome that must have been heard for miles.
    The New York floated like a gull, and even in her unfinished state was a thing graceful and pleasing to look upon. On and on she went right out of the basin into the East River, and then pointed north for the Williamsburg Bridge. The big navy tugs raced after her, and one after the other they caught her and made fast the hawsers that were thrown from the New York to their decks. Slowly they brought the monster fighting machine to a dead stop and then, taking her in tow, pulled her back into the basin and made her fast to the pier where she will remain until her armament is placed, her engines installed, her masts placed in position, and the various other things which have to be done before she is commissioned, are finished.
    Following the launching, the President, Miss Calder, and other specially invited guests were the guests of the navy yard officers at luncheon. Little Miss Fitzgerald was there too, and everybody laughed when she answered in reply to the President's question as to how many roses hit the New York.
    "I think one of them may have got her but I doubt it, for she went too fast," the little girl said.

Taft Pleased.
    During the luncheon the President commented briefly on the New York.
    "It's a wonderful ship," he said. "It's a grand ship and a credit to the navy yard workmen. I was on the Wyoming, and I felt as if I was on a large island. The vessel is so great, the progress in construction is truly wonderful. Since the time of the Connecticut, which has 10,000 tons displacement, we have seen a great step, and there is more to come in the new Pennsylvania, which will have 30,000 tons."
    Ex-Assistant Secretary of the Navy Satterlee, who is a son-in-law of J. Pierpont Morgan, commented on the New York and the lesson the event taught.
    "What we should have is a capital ship for every star in the flag, which would be forty-eight," said Mr. Satterlee. "This makes thirty-three. It is very necessary that the public should not pay much attention to tonnage, but remember we should have a ship — I mean a big ship — for every State. The New York is a capital ship. We have passed the age of dreadnoughts and superdreadnoughts and have reached that of the capital ship. Next year we ought to provide for five ships to make up for the one we didn't build this year. Thereafter four ships should be built every year until we have one for every State. That, to me, is the lesson of this launch."
    Commander Bailey had no comment to make, and all that Constructor Stocker had to say was that he was very much pleased with everything. Admiral Watt added his approval.
    Miss Calder thought a mistake had been made, and said she was certain she must have cracked the bottle even if she did not smash it to pieces, as she had hoped would be the case.
    The general dimensions and features of the New York are as follows:
    Length of designer's water line, 565 feet.
    Breadth, extreme, at designer's water line, 95 feet 2 5/8 inches.
    Mean trial displacement, 27,000 tons.
    Mean draft, 28 feet 6 inches.
    Total coal bunker capacity, 2,850 tons,
    Total fuel oil storage, 400 tons.
    Speed on trial, not less than 21 knots.
    Main battery: Ten 14-inch .45 calibre rifles; four submerged torpedo tubes. (21 inch.)
    Secondary battery: Twenty-One 5-inch rapid-fire guns, .51 calibre; four 8-pounder saluting guns; two 1-pounder semi-automatic guns for boats; two 3-inch field pieces; two machine guns, .30 calibre.
    The machinery consists of triple expansion engines of 28,100 designed horsepower, driving two propellers, fourteen Babcock & Wilcox boilers in four Boiler rooms. The vitals are protected by heavy armor.

TAFT GREETS BLUEJACKETS.
Miss Gould Meets Men from Battleships After Launching.
    President Taft was the guest of the enlisted men of the navy at the Sands Street Naval Young Men's Christian Association yesterday afternoon. Sharing with the President the applause of the men behind the guns was Miss Helen Miller Gould, who was especially honored later with a reception, during which she was presented to hundreds of bluejackets and marines from the various ships now in the navy yard.
    The President was accompanied by Secretary of the Navy Meyer, Rear Admiral Osterhaus, Commander in Chief of the Atlantic Fleet; Rear Admiral Fiske, commanding the First Division of the Atlantic Fleet; Capt. Frank K. Hill, U. S. N.; Miss Gould, and William Sloane, the Vice Chairman of the International Young Men's Christian Association. The President got as hearty a cheer as he ever received in his life when he arose to address the bluejackets.
    The President called the sailors "my lads" all the way through his speech, and complimented them on being as clean-cut, manly a body of men as is to be found anywhere.
    "I congratulate you from the bottom of nay heart." said the President, "that there are such good women as Miss Gould and others who are able to provide such splendid institutions as the Naval Young Men's Christian Association buildings.
    "There was a time, my lads, when it was thought in order to be a good sailor one had to be able to get drunk quickly. I am glad that day has passed, and today the bluejackets and marines of our service are gentlemen, aboard ship or on shore. They are men, gentlemen, who can be depended upon to respect the flag, and if necessary to give their lives in its defense. My lads, the heart of all America goes out to you."
    The reception to Miss Gould began immediately following the departure of the President.

TAFT FOR TWO-SHIP PLAN.
With Meyer He So Declares at Navy Yard Men's Dinner to Him.
    President Taft and Secretary of the Navy Meyer were the guests of the employes of the New York Navy Yard, at a dinner in the Thirteenth Regiment Armory, Brooklyn, last night. There were more than 1,000 navy yard men present, while as many more of their wives and daughters were in the galleries. It was the first dinner of the kind that a President of the United States has ever attended, and Mr. Taft enjoyed every moment of it up to the time he was leaving when he was halted and informed of the death in Utica of Vice President Sherman. The President himself announced the news to the diners, and then, at his suggestion, the other speeches were called off and the assemblage adjourned as a mark of respect to Mr. Sherman.
    There were to have been many speeches, but only those of the President, Secretary Meyer, Congressmen Fitzgerald and Calder, and Naval Constructor Stocker were delivered. The President was the first to speak. He could not be seen well, and so he jumped up on a chair, and the view of some of those in the rear still being poor, he made another jump, and this time he landed on top of the table, and from that eminence delivered his speech.
    "You have assigned to me," the President said, "the toast of 'Our Country.' and as the titular head of that country and as the spokesman for the people of that country I congratulate you, the workmen of the New York Navy Yard, on the splendid work you have done this day in the launching of the New York, a ship that is to add so much to the prestige and prowess of our country.
    "I extend to you the gratitude of the Nation for the New York. I hope she will never be used in war but that she shall be an insurance of peace. We seek only our rights as a Nation and those rights we are ready and able to defend. I believe in the policy of building two formidable battleships every year, which with the coming Panama Canal will mean doubling the efficiency of the American Navy. Again I thank you for this courtesy to me and now I bid you good night."
    Secretary Meyer followed the President. "We want." he said, "a fleet of forty-one battleships — twenty-one in the active fleet and twenty in reserve — and of these we want twenty-one New Yorks or better as soon as possible, for in the larger-calibre ships rests the defense of the country. Given an adequate navy, the prosperity of the navy yards follows as sure as dawn follows darkness. You, then, as Americans, have a duty, and I have pointed the way. Do your utmost that never again shall we have to discuss the question of battleships and be confronted with the positive danger of securing only one for a year."
    Others at the speakers' table besides those mentioned were Naval Constructor Bailey, Capt. A. Gleaves, the commandant of the navy yard; Rear Admiral Hutch I. Cone, Rear Admiral R. M. Watt, Lieut. Commander W. T. Cluverius, and Capt George E. Burd, U. S. N.

20,000 In Brooklyn Cheer For Sulzer.

New York Times 100 years ago today, October 31, 1912:
Candidate Addresses Eight Meetings, All Packed to Overflowing.
IGNORES STRAUS IN TALK
Latter's Name Only Mentioned Once, and That by a Chairman in Introducing Speaker.
    More than 20,000 voters in Brooklyn heard Congressman William Sulzer last night. They gave him a royal welcome at eight meetings that were packed to the doors. All the gatherings were marked by the sincerest attention, while roars of applause welcomed him and sped his departure. The night was a hard one for Mr. Sulzer, but he was as strong and interesting in his midnight speech, as he was in the first one. which was made shortly after 8 o'clock.
    Mr. Sulzer came to the city on the Erie Railroad after a day's hard work in the dairy counties of the State. An automobile hurried him to Brooklyn, where he dined at the home of John Delaney. Among the other guests at dinner were Public Service Commissioner Williams and Mrs. Williams, Mr. and Mrs. John H. McCooey, and Thomas Torpey. Mrs. Sulzer was also of the party, and she was greatly pleased at the sturdy fashion in which her husband had withstood one of the hardest campaign trips any candidate had ever undertaken. One of the wonderful features of the night's work was that every one of the eight meetings was reached on schedule time. The crowds that met to hail the candidate had not to wait a minute. Speakers who had been put up to entertain the crowds often were cut off in the middle of their first sentence.
    Under the direction of George N. Young, the Executive Secretary of Kings County, the whirlwind tour of Brooklyn began at 7:30 o'clock. The first stop was at St. Anthony's Parish Hall, at Manhattan Avenue and Milton Street. A crowd that filled the hall and stairs and overflowed into the street was waiting. Mgr. O'Hare was busy in the hall directing the people to seats. When Mr. Sulzer appeared the big crowd burst into cheers, and it was several minutes before he could be heard. The cheers rose again and again throughout his brief speech.
    "There is no doubt in my mind." said Mr. Sulzer, "that the fight will be won by the Democrats next Tuesday. There is no doubt at all of the election of Gov. Wilson—"
    A voice cried out that also there was no doubt of the election of Mr. Sulzer, and this brought forth another outburst of cheering. When Mr. Sulzer said the Democratic Party deserved as much praise as the soldiers and sailors who saved the Union, because it always worked along patriotic lines, there were more cheers.

Stands by All His Acts.
    Then Mr. Sulzer talked about his independence, and declared that no man could control him against his conscience. He said everything he ever did he alone had been responsible for. He didn't want to put the blame for any wrongful action on the shoulders of any man.
    "If I am elected Governor," he said, "you may rest assured that only the people ever will boss me. If you don't believe that, just cast your eye over my record, and if you see any signs there that I ever permitted myself to be the puppet of any man you have sharper, eyes than even my enemies have, for they have been trying to find some such proof ever since I have been in politics."
    There were cries of "You're all right!" and "We know you."
    Mr. Sulzer said he was in favor of the merit system, and that he would do all he could to see that no backward step was ever taken in regard to the method of testing the ability of applicants for public office. This sentiment also was loudly cheered. This statement was made in the very heart of the bailiwick that was controlled for many years by Patrick H. McCarren.
    The next speech was made at Palace Hall, at Grand and Berry Streets. Here another big crowd was waiting, and there was a roar of welcome as Mr. Sulzer appeared. Henry W. Woods introduced Mr. Sulzer.
    "Only a few months ago," he said, "Oscar S. Straus, the Progressive Party's candidate for Governor, at a dinner given somewhere in Second Avenue in the Borough of Manhattan, called Mr. Sulzer 'the greatest humanitarian this country had ever produced,' and Mr. Straus promised to vote for Mr. Sulzer for any office he was ever nominated for."
    Mr. Straus has said since that he could not remember ever having made any such promise. The statement brought laughter and applause. This was the only time during the night that the name of Mr. Straus was mentioned. Mr. Hedges, the Republican candidate for Governor, also was left alone. Mr. Sulzer told a few of the misdeeds of the Republican Party, and often declared that it was a party of promises but of no performances, but mentioned no names.
    Mr. Sulzer hurried next to the meeting of the Seneca Club in South Ninth Street, and from that point his automobile flew to Liederkranz Hall in Manhattan Avenue, then to Palm Garden, at Greene and Hamburg Avenues, to Congress Hall at Atlantic and Vermont Avenues, to the New Palm Garden in Sackman Street. Brownsville, and then to Dobbins Hall at Fourth Avenue and Fifty-first Street. Every meeting place held an enthusiastic crowd, and in several of them were many women who waved flags and joined the men in cheering.
    Sixty-one per cent. of the vote in two of the districts where the biggest meetings were held were Jewish, and these audiences were more noisy in their welcome, if possible, than any of the others. Among the things Mr. Sulzer said at the various meetings were these:
    "Some of the brightest minds in the State have been at work during the last few weeks trying to discover something in my record that would show me to be an enemy of the people, but the search has failed. Now, if this is true, why need any man be afraid to vote for me for Governor? Is it likely that I would begin now to belie and to destroy a record that I have been twenty-three years building up?
    "If the people send me to Albany, one of the first things I shall do will be to urge the speedy ratification by the Legislature of the amendment to the Federal Constitution to elect Senators in Congress by the people. I am the author of this reform and have been fighting for it ever since I went to Congress — eighteen years ago.
    "What I did for the oppressed Jews in Russia is known. I want no credit for it, because I only did my duty. My sympathies are world-wide. When justice is on trial I know no race and no creed; I am for the cause — the cause that lacks assistance, and against the wrongs, that need resistance.
    "The Jews are my friends here and everywhere, because they know I have always stood by them loyally for justice and equality and the square deal at home and abroad, in many hard-fought political battles they have shown me that they can rise above race and vote for the man who has stood by them, and in the face of fierce opposition, in Congress and out of Congress, demonstrated that he could rise superior to race and do justice in the cause of humanity."
    "I have no race or religious prejudices. I am charitable in my views. I am an optimist. I have sympathy for all, and know that good works constitute the most enduring monument. I believe in my fellow-man, in the good of society generally, and I know the world is growing better. I believe in the old integrities, in the new humanities, and declare with Bobby Burns, 'A man's a man for a' that.'
    "My sympathies are with the poor, and they ought to be, because I came from the poor. I have come up from poverty and obscurity. My life illustrates anew the hope of the Republic, and demonstrates again that the door of opportunity in America is not closed; that the poorest boy in all our land, if he is honest, if he is true, if he is loyal to principle, if he is grateful to friends, can rise step by step through his own exertions to the highest round in the ladder of fame.
    "I stand for the open door of opportunity, and declare with Lincoln that so long as I live I shall do all in my power to keep open the door for all. When the pessimist in America tells you that the door of opportunity is closed deny it — you deny it — and point to the rise of William Sulzer. The door of opportunity in the Republic will never be closed until it is closed by the young men of the Republic."
    Mr. Sulzer said he was sure the working men were for him because he always had espoused their cause. He asked labor to support him and said:
    "You will find I will stand for every honest man and for every honest cause. No man with any honest errand ever need fear to come to me if I can help him. But all those who are in any crooked business had better arrange to go out of business on Jan. 1 next."

STRAUS TALKS ON EAST SIDE.
Leaves Madison Square Garden Without Hearing Roosevelt.
    Immediately after his Madison Square Garden speech, Oscar S. Straus left in his motor for the east side, where he delivered two fifteen-minute speeches to enthusiastic gatherings, addressing nearly a thousand persons.
    In front of the great Central Palace in Clinton Street, where the first meeting was held, two or three hundred people gave the candidate a noisy welcome, and so pressed around his machine that it was unable to draw up to the entrance. Mr. Straus finally crowded his way into the hall, but two other automobiles, which had accompanied him, were stuck far behind in the press.
    Several moments elapsed before he was able to quiet the shouting crowd inside the hall. His speech related mainly to the labor question.
    "What has Mr. Sulzer done for labor," he asked. "that he should lay so much stress upon that point? I have done something for labor also, for I have had under my charge the arbitration of some of this country's largest labor disputes.
    "Louis Marshall, a lawyer of this district, has written a letter in which he says he is opposed to me and in favor of Mr. Sulzer. I ask you if that is not an insult to the intelligence of the entire Jewish community, to try to influence them in that way? You don't have to ask any one how to vote. You don't seek the advice of the silk stockings."
    Concluding, he said that he made his appeal for the votes of that community solely on his political record.
    At Pacific Hall, 209 East Broadway, Mr. Straus was led to an elaborate marriage canopy, under which he was to make his speech, and won the crowd by a humorous allusion to it.
    "How's Teddy?" some one called out.
    "He's fine," was the reply. "And I'm sure that, if he had known I was coming down here, he would have sent you his love, for he loves plain people."
    The second speech was devoted largely to a discussion of immigration problems.
    "The uptown Jews," he said, "have asked you to vote for Sulzer because of his activity in the Russian treaty abrogation. He did not do that for you. He did it for all American citizens, and no American citizen is a Jew, but an American citizen."
    On the way uptown at the conclusion of his tour Mr. Straus passed Madison Square Garden while Col. Roosevelt was speaking. He did not stop but continued to his home in Seventy-sixth Street.