Wednesday, August 28, 2013

Mexicans Rally Behind Huerta.

New York Times 100 years ago today, August 28, 1913:
Publication of Lind-Gamboa Notes Strengthens Sentiment for Him.
Foreign Diplomats Call Proposal to Eliminate Provisional President a Blunder.
Vera Cruz Hears Latest Response from Foreign Minister Gives New Hope of Agreement.
Special Cable to The New York Times.
    MEXICO CITY, Aug. 27. — Sentiment in favor of the stand taken by Provisional President Huerta in rejecting the peace proposals of President Wilson, submitted through ex-Gov. John Lind, the American Executive's personal emissary to this capital, and Federico Gamboa, Mexican Minister of Foreign Relations, has grown tonight as a result of publication of the notes that passed between the representatives of the Presidents.
    Diplomats in this city representing other nations now are inclined to believe that the United States Government made several serious blunders in the negotiations intended to restore peace to the Mexican Republic. They criticise especially the tentative offer of action by bankers, which Mexicans regard practically as an offer of a bribe or at least a monetary inducement.
    The real causes of the failure of Mr. Lind's negotiations with Minister Gamboa, however, are considered by the foreign diplomats and others to have been the clauses in President Wilson's peace proposals relating to the elimination of Gen. Huerta from the Mexican Government.
    It is pointed out that in making such a suggestion to the Provisional President the American Government practically asked him to relinquish the constitutional rights possessed by all citizens of Mexico, which it was impossible for him to do constitutionally.
    It is stated authoritatively that President Huerta will receive to-morrow $4, 000, 000 as an advance on a loan which will total $40, 000, 000. The further authoritative statement is made that the remainder of the loan will be forthcoming almost immediately.

Mexican Officials’ Views.
    Mexican officials, although fully indorsing the original stand taken in the exchange of notes with Mr. Lind, showed to-day some uneasiness as to the eventual outcome of the negotiations. They probably will attempt to rally the people and will be prepared for trouble.
    In placing the affair before the standing committee of the Mexican Congress President Huerta is believed to be paving the way to some drastic legislative move.
    There was no feeling against Americans to-day as a result of publication of the notes, but an evident desire to assist the Government by calm consideration and an expectant attitude as to developments in the United States Congress.
    Americans and other foreigners were extremely interested in the outcome of the peace negotiations and the possible action of the American Congress.
    A high Mexican politician, leader of a strong faction, probably a majority on the floor of the Senate, stated to-day:
    "In spite of the fact that I am not a personal friend of President Huerta, and am politically his opponent, in this instance he has my full support and influence, both personally and politically. He could have made no other stand in the face of the United States proposals, which are not compatible with Mexican decorum and national honor. The first suggestions, in my opinion, are not only impossible, but lack knowledge on the part of President Wilson of the Mexican situation and conditions. The second proposals possibly could be accepted had the Huerta elimination clause been omitted, and the clause dealing with the money question been omitted as such is regarded as unworthy of Mexicans."
    The officials stated that they considered Mexico to have more than the advantage before the world in the publication of the exchanged notes, as they believed the civilised nations would realize that it was impossible for them to accede with dignity to the United States demands and offers of good offices. They also regard the present affair in the light of possible precedents which would later lead the United States to a dictorial attitude not only toward Mexico but to all Latin America.

Think Lind Will Go Back.
Special Cable to The New York Times.
    VERA CRUZ, Aug. 27. — There were persistent rumors here to-night that ex-Gov. John Lind, President Wilson's personal representative in this republic, would return to Mexico City. It was said his departure from the capital a few days ago was a device on the part of the Washington Administration to force Provisional President Huerta to play his hand.
    Mr. Lind on his arrival here from the City of Mexico reserved staterooms aboard the steamship Morro Castle, due to sail from this port tomorrow, but at a late hour this evening he had not bought passage on the vessel.
    The American President's emissary throughout the day and evening received many cable dispatches from Washington.
    Mr. Lind visited during the day all the high city officials in company with Consul Canada. His visit to the Military Commander was extremely cordial. This evening Admiral Fletcher gave Mr. Lind an informal dinner at the Hotel Diligencias.
    Public opinion is that the crisis is approaching, that Huerta will carry his point, and that even if Trevino is named as President provisionally it will be because his advanced age will guarantee that he can be easily managed.

Lind Wires That Latest Reply from Huerta Is Encouraging.

New York Times 100 years ago today, August 28, 1913:
President Urges Americans to Quit Republic — Warns Natives to Safeguard Them.
Will Prevent Shipments of Arms to Either Side — Europe May Take Same Step.
A Few Critics Assail His Course in Opening Way for Debate on Situation.
Fashionable Auditors Crowd Boxes — Latin-American Diplomats Interested Listeners — President's Manner Businesslike.Special to The New York Times.
    WASHINGTON, Aug. 27. — While Senators and Representatives assembled in joint session and listened in impressive silence to-day, President Wilson read to them a carefully prepared address in which he acknowledged that the mission intrusted to ex-Gov. John Lind for arranging conditions with the Mexican Government that should bring Mexico's troubles to an end had met failure. It was realized by most of those present that this public acknowledgment foreshadowed a crisis in the relations of the United States and Mexico.
    But the President, although showing his disappointment over the unsuccessful outcome of Mr. Lind's efforts, indicated clearly that he was not without hope that the Huerta Administration would change its attitude and supply the means which the United States had sought to bring about the restoration of normal conditions south of the Rio Grande.
    "The steady pressure of moral force," he said, with emphasis on every word, "will before many days break the barriers of pride and prejudice down, and we shall triumph as Mexico’s friends sooner than we could triumph as her enemies — and how much more handsomely, with how much higher and finer satisfactions of conscience and of honor."
Hope in New Mexican Note.
    The President to-night had some reason to believe that the confident feeling thus expressed might be realized sooner than he had expected when he made his address. Secretary Bryan went to the White House shortly after 9 o’clock this evening and left there a communication from Mr. Lind, in which the President's special representative said he had received another note from Foreign Minister Gamboa, which gave ground for optimism. Mr. Lind did not send the full text of the latest Mexican note, but gave a summary of it which indicated that the situation in Mexico was very encouraging — in fact, more encouraging than in several days.
    No information as to what was contained in the note to raise the spirits of Administration officials was obtainable, but it was admitted that prospects for a change in the attitude of the Mexican Government appeared to be good.
    The President in his address laid down the tentative plan which the Government would pursue toward Mexico for the present. That plan embraces the following points:
    First—All Americans will be urged to leave Mexico at once and will be assisted to get away by the United States Government through all the means at its disposal.
    Second—Every one who assumes to exercise authority in any part of Mexico will be informed plainly that the United States Government will watch the fortunes of those Americans who cannot get away and will hold to a definite reckoning those responsible for their sufferings and losses.
    Third—The shipment of arms and other munitions of war from the United States into Mexico will be forbidden and the strictest neutrality between the different factions will be observed by the United States.    

Wilson Orders Sent to Embassy.
    In accordance with the plan outlined by the President, telegraphic instructions were sent to-night to the American Embassy in Mexico City and to all United States Consular officers throughout Mexico in substance as follows:
    "Notify Americans residing in Mexico that they will be assisted in every possible way to leave the country, and those that remain will be watched over. Ships will be provided at the most accessible ports to carry away Americans able to reach those ports. Pecuniary assistance will be given when needed to Americans leaving the country. Notify all officers in authority, civil and military, of the contending factions in Mexico that they will be held strictly responsible for damage done to the persons and property of Americans."
    The identical telegrams contained a statement of the essential features of President Wilson's address to Congress.
    As far as can be ascertained, no instructions were given to the proper authorities with regard to the embargo on the shipment of arms and other munitions of war from the United States into Mexico. Up to this time such shipments have been permitted to go forward into Mexican territory only on special permits from the Secretary of the Treasury, granted at the instance of the Mexican Embassy in Washington.
    All munitions of war shipped under those permits have been for the use of the Federal forces in Mexico. No permits have been granted for the shipment of arms and ammunition to the Constitutionalists or revolutionists.
    Officials declined to say whether foreign Governments would be asked to follow the example of the United States j by placing an embargo on the shipment of munitions from territory under their control into Mexico. Interpretations given to the guarded answers made by the Government officers in response to inquiries on this subject was that it was hoped that foreign Governments would construe the fact that they were supplied with copies of the President’s address as an intimation that it would be pleasing to the United States Government to have them join it in suppressing the exportation of war munitions to Mexico.
    Coincident with the President’s address, the White House made public the text of the communication from the Mexican Government rejecting the proposals of President Wilson for the restoration of peace. That note is dated Aug. 16, is addressed to Mr. Lind, and is signed by Federico Gamboa, the Mexican Minister of Foreign Relations. It shows that the Mexican Government regarded the proposition submitted by Mr. Lind as an insult to Provisional President Huerta and to Mexico. Confirmation is contained in it of the intention, of the Mexican Government to keep Mr. Lind out of Mexico as an undesirable i alien unless he saw fit to properly establish your official character."

Lind's Credentials Satisfactory.
    That unfriendly notice was withdrawn because the Mexican Government regarded a letter presented to Señor Gamboa by Mr. Lind from President Wilson as fully establishing that Mr. Lind was the confidential agent of this Government.
    There is divergence of opinion among Senators and Representatives as to the manner in which Minister Gamboa handled the diplomatic situation. A great many national legislators regard his note as a very able document, and as completely answering the suggestions contained in the proposals of President Wilson submitted through Mr. Lind. Others look on it as not meeting the arguments advanced by the President. A large number, which concedes that the case was very ably handled by the Mexican Minister, contends that the ironical tone in which it was written lessened much of its force.
    Señor Gamboa contradicted as a "gross imputation not supported by any proofs" the suggestion of President Wilson in the Lind instructions that no progress had been made toward establishing a stable Government in Mexico. He contended that of the twenty-seven Mexican States eighteen were under the control of the Huerta Administration, and that the three Territories and the Federal district embracing Mexico City also were controlled by the Federal forces. It was asserted by the Minister of Foreign Relations that the Government had 80, 000 armed men in the field.
    The request that Gen. Huerta should agree not to be a candidate for the Presidency was rejected because of its "strange and unwarranted character," and in addition "because there is a risk that the same might be interpreted as a matter of personal dislike." Señor Gamboa indicated clearly that the Government of Gen. Huerta, as he called it, was not worried because the United States had not granted formal recognition to it. The fact that the United States Government continued to do business with the Huerta Government through the American Embassy in Mexico City was assurance enough, it was intimated, that the recognition existed.

Gamboa Becomes Ironical.
    It was suggested by Señor Gamboa in language apparently intended to be ironical that the establishment of peace would be accomplished much more quickly if the United States Government would observe its international obligations by preventing the shipment of arms and the sending of money to Mexico for the use of the revolutionists. The suggestion that an armistice be agreed on was rejected on the ground that this would recognize the belligerency of the revolutionists.
    Señor Gamboa asserted that Mexico was observing all her credits and that the country was not in nearly as bad condition as President Wilson had endeavored to point out.    
    "Consequently," said the Mexican Foreign Minister, "Mexico can not for one instant take into consideration the four conditions which His Excellency, j Mr. Wilson, has been pleased to propose through your honorable and worthy channel."
    Although apparently couched in terms indicating great friendship for the United States, the Gamboa note is regarded here as intentionally sarcastic and ironical, and the constant repetition of the term, "Mr. Confidential Agent," with reference to Mr. Lind, is pointed to as evidence of this contention.
    Although the President received generous applause when he appeared in the House of Representatives to make his address and the comments of Senators and Representatives made afterward for publication generally were of a kindly and complimentary character, an undercurrent of private criticism was apparent among members of both the great political parties in Congress.
    Several of the leaders, both Democrats and Republicans, assert that the President had made an error in addressing Congress publicly on the Mexican situation at this time. They took the position that Mr. Wilson had extended a virtual invitation to the Senate and House to discuss conditions in Mexico, and that it might be difficult to hold Senators and Representatives to their tentative agreement not to embarrass the Administration by debate on the Mexican situation while the relations between the two countries remained tense.

Danger of Congress Debate.
    From what was said this afternoon, following the reading of the President’s address, it is believed that a discussion of his Mexican message may be precipitated any day, with results which nobody can foresee. The President, it was contended by certain of the critics, would have been wiser not to have made any disclosures at this time about the failure of the Lind mission, or at least to have refrained from appearing personally in the Capitol to voice his opinions concerning the Mexican troubles.
    The danger point would come, it was said, when the House Committee on Foreign Affairs brought in a resolution on which it already had agreed, commending the President’s address and indorsing the policy outlined in it. Prominent House members of both parties pointed out that this resolution would supply the occasion for a debate on the subject of Mexico that might tend to arouse the passions of either the American or the Mexican people or both, and thus take the two nations a step nearer to a hostile clash than the Federal Administration and a large part of Congress, without regard to party lines, were willing to risk.
    There was an air of dramatic tenseness in the House of Representatives when President Wilson appeared there to read his address. It would have been apparent to any stranger unfamiliar with the purposes of the occasion that an important event was about to occur. Under the terms of the concurrent resolution adopted yesterday the members of the Senate marched in a body to the chamber of the House fifteen minutes prior to the time President Wilson was scheduled to appear. Owing to the absence of a third of the House membership there was plenty of room on the benches for the Senators.    
    Vice President Marshall, who led the procession of members of the upper house, took his place on the rostrum at the right of Speaker Clark, who presided. When the Senate arrived, committees to meet the President and escort him to the chamber were announced, by the speaker and the Vice President, and the assembled legislators waited patiently for Mr. Wilson to appear.

Mrs. Wilson an Auditor.
    The galleries were crowded. In the Executive box sat Mrs. Woodrow Wilson and her youngest daughter, Miss Eleanor, who were escorted to the Capitol by Passed Assistant Surgeon Cary Grayson of the navy, the attending Physician at the White House. Secretary Bryan, attired in ministerial black garb, sat near them. In the diplomatic box was an interested group, consisting of Dr. Ritter, the Minister from Switzerland; Señor Calvo, Minister from Costa Rica; Señor Naon, Minister from the Argentine Republic; Señor Nija, Minister from Salvador; Señor Mendez, Minister from Guatemala; Dr. Peymado, Minister from the Dominican Republic; Dr. Morales, Minister from Panama, and Secretary Fevre of the Panama Legation.
    Postmaster General Burleson, Secretary McAdoo, and Secretary Daniels had seats on the floor. Josoph R. Tumulty, Secretary to the President, attired in a suit of white linen, took a seat with them after the President arrived.
    Most of those in the galleries were women — the wives, daughters, and friends of Senators and Representatives. The intense interest in the ceremonies had been shown by the overwhelming number of applications for gallery seats. So great was the pressure that special tickets for admittance to the House wing of the Capitol had been issued, and temporary gates were erected at the foot of stairways leading to the gallery floor and at the elevator entrances.
    President Wilson went to the Capitol in an open motor car with Secretary Tumulty. "Jack" Wheeler, one of the President's Secret Service guards, sat on the box of the automobile with the chauffeur. Two other cars containing Secret Service guards followed. On his arrival at the Capitol, the President went to the room of Speaker Clark, where he met the committees of the Senate and House appointed to escort him to the chamber. The committeemen were Senators Bacon, Williams, and Root, and Representatives Underwood, Mann, and Fitzgerald.    
    Before going to the floor of the House to read his address President Wilson telephoned from the Capitol to the White House to ascertain whether the substance of Minister Gamboa's latest note to Mr. Lind had been received from Mexico. He did that to give President Huerta yet another chance to cause a modification of the message to Congress.

President Arrives in the House.
    The big clock over the main entrance of the House chamber showed one minute past 1 as President Wilson entered the great hall through a door to the left and in the rear of the Speaker’s rostrum. Joseph Sinnott, doorkeeper, cried:    
    "The President of the United States." At a rap from Speaker Clark’s gavel, the whole audience arose.
    In spite of his long frock coat, the President looked cool and comfortable.
    He shook hands cordially with Speaker Clark and Vice President Marshall, and, turning, bowed to the assembled Senators and Representatives.
    As he did so, floor and galleries began to applaud. The round of hand-clapping grew louder, and it soon was made evident that Republicans and Democrats were joining in an effort to show the President that Congress stood behind him in his efforts to settle the embarrassing Mexican problem. The hand-clapping was continued for two minutes, which is a mighty long time for a demonstration on a ceremonial occasion in either House of Congress.
    It was three minutes past one when the President began to read his address. He read very slowly and distinctly from typewritten slips about four inches wide and six inches long, with wide spaces between the lines. There was no effort at dramatic effect on his part, but at times he emphasized certain expressions.
    The Senators and Representatives and those in the galleries listened in silence.
    Not a sound save that of the President's voice broke the stillness in the chamber throughout the reading. Hardly a man among those who had seats on the floor changed his position from the time the President began to read until he had finished. The intentness of the audience was dramatic in itself.
    It took nineteen minutes for the President to read his address. The hands of the big clock indicated twenty-two minutes past one when he finished.
    Bowing to the audience, the President turned and, again shaking hands the Vice-President and the Speaker left the chamber quickly. The audience applauded vigorously until his form disappeared through the door at which he had entered.
    Immediately after the ceremony the senators withdrew and the House, after adopting a resolution referring the President s address to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, adjourned to Friday.
    The Senators on returning to their side of the Capitol resumed discussion of the Tariff Bill.

    The peace, prosperity and contentment of Mexico mean more, much more, to us than merely an enlarged field for our commence and enterprise.
    We shall yet prove to the Mexican people that we know how to serve them without first thinking how we shall serve ourselves.
    Mexico lies at last where all the world looks on.
    The best gifts can come to her (Mexico) only if she be ready and free to receive them and to enjoy them honorably.
    Its (Mexico's) pacification by the authorities at the capital is evidently impossible by any other means than force.
    War and disorder, devastation and confusion, seem to threaten to become the settled fortune of the distracted country (Mexico. )
    The Government of the United States would deem itself discredited if it had any selfish or ulterior purpose in transactions where the peace, happiness and prosperity of a whole people are involved.
    Clearly, everything that we do must be rooted in patience and done with calm and disinterested deliberation.
    There is nowhere any serious question that we have the moral right in the case.
    We shall triumph as Mexico's friends sooner than we could triumph as her enemies.

    Mexico cannot for one moment take into consideration the four conditions which his Excellency Mr. Wilson has been pleased to propose.
    His Excellency Mr. Wilson is laboring under a serious delusion when he declares that the present situation of Mexico is incompatible with the compliance of her international obligations, with the development of her own civilization and with the required maintenance of certain political and economical conditions tolerable in Central America.
    If it (the United States) should only watch that no material and monetary assistance is given to rebels who find refuge, conspire, and provide themselves with arms and food on the other side of the border; if it should demand from its minor and local authorities the strictest observance of the neutrality laws, I assure you, Mr. Confidential Agent, that the complete pacification of this republic would be accomplished within a relatively short time.
    The final part of the instructions of President Wilson causes me to propose the following equally decorous arrangement: One, that our Ambassador be received in Washington. Two, that the United States of America send us a new Ambassador without previous conditions.

Approved In Congress.

New York Times 100 years ago today, August 28, 1913:
Both Parties Praise President Wilson's Message.
Special to The New York Times.
    WASHINGTON, Aug. 27. — Unmistakable evidence was driven to-day to Mexico and the rest of the world that President Wilson had a united Congress behind him in his dealings with the situation south of the Rio Grande. Senators and Representatives of both parties joined in praise of the President’s message and pledged him their hearty support.

Generally Approved by Senators.
    A chorus of statements approving the President’s speech was heard from the Senators as soon as they returned to their end of the Capitol. These expressions came from leaders both of the Republican and Democratic sides. Many of them were strikingly emphatic, but here and there was evidence of a definite intention to answer beyond dispute Provisional President Huerta’s taunt that Congress was not supporting President Wilson. But along with these approving declarations, sometimes even from Senators issuing statements favorable to the President, was veiled criticism of the wisdom of the course outlined in the speech.
    Criticism was directed at both of the affirmative proposals of the President, the embargo against arms destined for any of the contending factions and the urgent recommendation that Americans leave Mexico. The Senate has long been overwhelmingly of the opinion that the easiest solution of Mexico’s tangled problem would be to let both sides arm themselves freely, so that an end might come to their fighting through the stern elimination of war. Senators are still of that opinion, but all efforts to repeal the neutrality law, under which the President may prohibit the shipment of arms, will be suspended until the course determined by him has had a fair trial. Meanwhile Senator Penrose of Pennsylvania will be absent for a week, so that his resolution calling for police protection of Americans in Mexico will cause no discussion.
    One Senator whose loyalty to the President is beyond question, suggested informally that, even to make the embargo on arms effective, regardless of the wisdom of such a course, it would be necessary for the United States to induce all the powers of the world to prevent shipments from their ports. There is reason to believe that efforts in this direction may be made, following the expressions of sympathy and willingness to co-operate with which European nations have already met President Wilson’s proposals. At the same time the Senator suggested that lack of money with which to buy arms might make the embargo real.

Dangers of American Exodus.
    Criticism of the President’s proposal to induce American colonists to leave Mexico was more open. Senator Fall of New Mexico, while indorsing the President’s desire for peace, said that he felt that the duty of the United States was to protect her citizens and not require them to leave all their property at the mercy of contending factions.
    Other Senators pointed out that the proposal that Americans leave Mexico took no care of Europeans similarly situated. It was suggested that this might prove a serious weakness in the President’s plan, and alienate the support hitherto received from foreign powers.
    Senator Bacon of Georgia, Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, said:
    "The President's message is an admirable document. It sets forth the facts without reservation and puts us right before the world. Moreover, I believe it will have a calming effect upon our own people and a soothing influence upon public expression in the United States. An important feature of the message which must be borne in mind is that it does not close the case; does not bring negotiations to a finality, but leaves the situation open for further dealings in an effort to bring about a satisfactory settlement."
    Senator Root of New York, former Secretary of State and a prominent member of the Foreign Relations Committee, said:
    "The message is admirable in tone and spirit, but as I may discuss it on the floor of the Senate, I will not go further now."

People’s Voice, Says O'Gorman.
    Senator O'Gorman of New York, a Democratic member of the Committee on Foreign Relations, issued this statement:
    It is a splendid message. It reflects the sober thought of the nation. It is not singular that in this crisis the President has the united support of the Congress of the United States. The Republican members of the Senate vie with their Democratic colleagues in sustaining the action of the Executive. In international relations partisanship stops at the border. The impressive utterance of the President to-day is the voice of the American people."
    Senator Stone of Missouri, a member of the committee who has Heretofore strongly favored war, said: The message is well written and was well delivered. Its effect on the people of the country will be a happy one."
    Senator Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts, ranking Republican of the Committee on Foreign Relations said:
    "It is an excellent message. Its substantive declaration is that forbidding the shipment of arms to Mexico. I am in hearty accord with that. The United States could not put itself in the position of adding to the slaughter in Mexico. Only two courses were open to the president — intervention or non-intervention — and I am sure that, the sentiment of the country would not tolerate intervention. The President’s policy is that of waiting upon events, and I feel that he could now pursue no other. Mr. Wilson announced that the mission of Mr. Lind had failed, as was generally expected. With respect to the suggestion of the President that Americans should leave Mexico, the same was made by Taft. It is one which only the President could make. In many of these matters the President must be the judge. I believe other powers are no less desirous than the United States that the shipment of arms shall be stopped, and I should expect them to intimate the same to their subjects."
    Senator Fall, Republican, of New Mexico, had this to say:
    "I am heartily in accord with the President in his efforts to maintain peace with Mexico. The only criticism of the message I have to make is with reference to that part which urges Americans to leave Mexico. I have always been of that school which believes that in treating with a civilized country the United States should insist always upon the protection of her citizens within the borders of that country. The President seems to indicate that Mexico cannot be considered a civilized nation when he suggests that Americans leave Mexico."

Texas Senator Is Satisfied.
    Senator Sheppard, Democrat, of Texas: "I stand with the President. His message is practically a recognition of the belligerency of the insurrectionaries as contemplated in the resolution I introduced."   
    Senator John Sharp Williams of Mississippi, a Democratic member of the Committee on Foreign Relations:
    "I am delighted with it. I would not change it in any way if I were doing it myself."
    Senator Kern of Indiana, majority leader of the Senate:    
    "If there has been any agitation in favor of intervention, this message will check it. The sentiment in favor of lifting the embargo has been greatly exaggerated."
    Senator Shively of Indiana, a Democratic member of the Committee on Foreign Relations:    
    "The message is temperate and well worded. It puts us right before the Governments of the world. No matter what follows, this shows that we have exhausted all peaceful methods. The best feature of the message is that it announced to the Central and South American republics that this country has no desire for territorial aggrandizement."
    Senator Smith of Arizona, a Democratic member of the Committee on Foreign Relations, commended the President's peaceful efforts and predicted that Congress would mark time and await developments.    
    Senator Jones, Republican, of Washington, said:    
    "I am with the President in any effort to preserve the peace. I may not agree with him in all his methods, but, right or wrong, he will have my support."
    The commendation of the President's attitude was even stronger among members of the House.

Praise from Clark and Underwood.
    Champ Clark, Democrat, Speaker of the House:
    "It seems to me that this Mexican situation presents a case where silence on the part of most folk is golden. It is ticklish and grave. The President's address to Congress on the subject is admirable — lofty in conception, felicitous in diction. In the very nature of things he knows more about a situation which changes every day — almost every hour — than the rest of us, and speaks with fuller knowledge. The most practical suggestion that was made was that Americans should come out of Mexico as rapidly and as soon as possible." Representative Oscar W. Underwood, Democratic floor leader:
    "I approve the President's message thoroughly. I think it was the message of a statesman. I am glad to see that the President is making every effort to maintain peaceful relations between the two countries."
    Representative James R. Mann of Illinois, Republican, leader of the minority in the House:
    "I have no comment that I wish to make."
    Representative Henry D. Flood of Virginia, Democrat, Chairman of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs:
    "It was a splendid message. It has met with universal approval. Every comment I have heard on it is favorable."
    Representative A. Mitchell Palmer of Pennsylvania, Chairman of the Democratic caucus:
    "The President’s message should and undoubtedly will have the effect of bringing Mexico soon to an acceptance of this Government's proposals. The manner of its reception by the Congress and the approval which will be shown by the country will be ample evidence to Mexico that all America is behind President Wilson in his desire to be of friendly aid to the people of the republic and to work out the protection of Americans and American interests without forcible intervention in a quarrel that is purely internal. The message is an early assurance of a peaceful solution of the whole difficulty."

Kahn’s Critical Attitude.
    Representative Julius Kahn of California, Republican, ranking minority member of the House Military Committee:
    "As a literary effort the President’s message was perfection itself. What effect it will have in Mexico remains to be seen. Of course, it is easy to take out of Mexico the Americans who are at present in that republic. Their property, however, will have to be abandoned, and we shall have to look to Mexico at some time for the indemnification of American citizens whose property is destroyed. Even at the present time there are millions of dollars worth of claims pending which have been in process of adjudication for many years. To secure one’s claim against the Republic of Mexico requires extreme patience and occasions many heartaches. But, how about the citizens of England, France, Germany, Italy and the other European powers? These powers rather look to us to care for their citizens in Mexico, for they feel that under the Monroe Doctrine they are stopped from protecting themselves. If the turmoil that prevails in our sister republic continues, how long will the patience of the European Governments last? Will they not demand that we must do something to safeguard the lives and property of their citizens? It seems to me that these are some of the questions that must be considered, and that the President overlooked in the message."
    Representative Henry A. Cooper of Wisconsin, Republican, ranking minority member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee:
    "I hope that the President's prophecies as to an early peace will be realized, but that it will not be a peace with the success of the Huerta Government. It certainly ought not to be."
    Representative Swagar Sherley of Kentucky, Democratic member of the House Appropriations Committee:
    "The President’s message was most admirable in substance and style. The whole country, I think, will approve it." Representative William C. Adamson of Georgia, Democratic Chairman of the House Interstate Commerce Committee:
    "It was a very fine message. If we had had a message like that in 1898, when the Cuban question was acute we should never have had any war with Spain and should have had a good deal better relations with Cuba. The President's advice to Americans in Mexico to come home and remain here until the danger is passed and peace restored was very wise and wholesome. Neutrality, absolute and complete, will soon demonstrate what ought to be done in Mexico."
    Representative Martin A. Morrison of Indiana, Democrat:
    "I am thoroughly pleased with the message. So far as I have talked with any one, they are all thoroughly satisfied with the President’s policy. I think he has rendered this country and Mexico a very great service." Representative Ben Johnson of Kentucky, Democratic Chairman of the House District Committee:
    "I think the message is just exactly right. It is one of the greatest State papers ever written. I am in accord with every statement in it, and was very apprehensive that it was going to be something different."
    Representative Thomas A. Gallagher of Illinois, Democrat:
    "I think the President has taken a very firm stand, and that when the Mexican people realize the attitude of the Government here they will believe it to be to the best interest of the Mexican people to accept the advice of President Wilson. If Congress will follow it up with a resolution of approval it may awaken the Mexicans to the actual conditions here."
    Representative William N. Baltz of Illinois, Democrat:
    "I am only a new member and a farmer, untrained in diplomacy, but I think it was the greatest message ever delivered to the Congress. I believe President Wilson is taking the right stand in this Mexican situation."

"Only Temporary in Effect."
    Representative William P. Borland of Missouri, Democrat:
    "I thought the President's message very fine, and believe it should have a soothing and quieting effect on the American people. Of course, it is only temporary in effect. It does not solve the imbroglio. Unless the Huerta Government accepts very promptly the offer of mediation, it will be necessary for us to take charge in order to secure public order and the protection of Americans and foreigners in Mexico. That, in my judgment, will be the next step to be taken. I heartily concur with the President in giving public opinion a chance to operate on the situation." Representative Halvor Steenerson of Minnesota, Republican:
    "It was a very good message, and I think that it meets the popular sentiments in the matter. We can afford to be patient with Mexico, although no doubt there is a limit beyond which the American people will not endure and will not go. Just now I think the sentient almost everywhere is that we want to avoid intervention if we possibly can, and the President is doing all he can to carry out that sentiment."
    Representative Frank E. Doremus of Michigan, Democrat:
    "It was the sort of a message one would expect from President Wilson. I believe it voices the sentiment of practically the entire American people. It will commend itself to the sober judgement of the civilized world as a lofty, moral, and patriotic expression of this nation's attitude toward Mexico. The President has certainly exhibited rare caution and splendid patience in dealing with a trying situation. All Americans will earnestly hope that the Mexican authorities will soon see the wisdom of the course marked out by the President."
    Representative Charles Bartlett of Georgia, Democrat:
    "I think the message is the message of one of the greatest Presidents we have ever had; that it shows, above all things else, that the President has the interest of the people of the United States at heart and has pursued the only sensible and statesmanlike course that he could in order to maintain peace and the dignity and honor of the United States. My people down in Georgia will heartily approve the President’s policy."

Wilson Message; Gamboa's Reply.

New York Times 100 years ago today, August 28, 1913:
Patient Neutrality, Denying Arms to Both Sides in Mexico, is President’s New Plan.
Tells Congress Those Who Cannot Leave the Country Must Be Safeguarded.
Acceptance Would Be Humiliating to Mexico, Minister of Foreign Affairs Tells Lind.
    WASHINGTON, Aug. 27. — President Wilson’s address to Congress to-day on the Mexican situation follows:
    "Gentlemen of the Congress — It is clearly my duty to lay before you, very fully and without reservation, the facts concerning our present relations with the Republic of Mexico. The deplorable posture of affairs in Mexico I need not describe, but I deem it my duty to speak very frankly of what this Government has done and should seek to do in fulfillment of its obligations to Mexico herself, as a friend and neighbor, and to American citizens whose lives and vital interests are daily affected by the distressing conditions which now obtain beyond our southern border.
    "Those conditions touch us very nearly. Not merely because they lie at our very doors. That, of course, makes us more vividly and more constantly conscious of them, and every instinct of neighborly interest and sympathy is aroused and quickened by them; but that is only one element in the determination of our duty. We are glad to call ourselves the friends of Mexico, and we shall, I hope, have many an occasion, in happier times as well as in these days of trouble and confusion, to show that our friendship is genuine and disinterested, capable of sacrifice, and every generous manifestation.
    "The peace, prosperity, and contentment of Mexico mean more, much more, to us than merely an enlarged field for our commerce and enterprise. They mean an enlargement of the field of self-government and the realization of the hopes and rights of a nation with whose best aspirations, so long suppressed and disappointed, we deeply sympathize. We shall yet prove to the Mexican people that we know how to serve them without first thinking how we shall serve ourselves.

Whole World Friendly to Mexico.
    "But we are not the only friends of Mexico. The whole world desires her peace and progress; and the whole world is interested as never before. Mexico lies at last where all the world looks on. Central America is about to be touched by the great routes of the world’s trade and intercourse running free from ocean to ocean at the Isthmus. The future has much in store for Mexico, as for all the States of Central America; but the best gifts can come to her only if she be ready and free to receive them and to enjoy them honorably.
    "America in particular — America north and south and upon both continents — waits upon the development of Mexico; and that development can be sound and lasting only if it be the product of a genuine freedom, a just and ordered Government founded upon law. Only so can it be peaceful or fruitful of the benefits of peace. Mexico has a great and enviable future before her, if only she choose and attain the paths of honest constitutional government.
    "The present circumstances of the republic, I deeply regret to say, do not seem to promise even the foundations of such a peace. We have waited many months, months full of peril and anxiety, for the conditions there to improve, and they have not improved. They have grown worse, rather. The territory in some sort controlled by the provisional authorities at Mexico City has grown smaller, not larger. The prospect of the pacification of the country, even by arms, has seemed to grow more and more remote; and its pacification by the authorities at the capital is evidently impossible by any other means than force. Difficulties more and more entangle those who claim to constitute the legitimate government of the republic. They have not made good their claim in fact. Their successes in the field have proved only temporary. War and disorder, devastation and confusion, seem to threaten to become the settled fortune of the distracted country.
    "As friends, we could wait no longer for a solution which every week seemed further away. It was our duty at least to volunteer our good offices — to offer to assist, if we might, in effecting some arrangement which would bring relief and peace and set up a universally acknowledged political authority there.
    "Accordingly, I took the liberty of sending the Hon. John Lind, formerly Governor of Minnesota, as my personal spokesman and representative, to the City of Mexico, with the following instructions:
    Press very earnestly upon the attention of those who are now exercising authority or wielding influence in Mexico the following considerations and advice:
    The Government of the United States does not feel at liberty any longer to stand inactively by while it becomes daily more and more evident that no real progress is being made toward the establishment of a Government at the City of Mexico which the country will obey and respect.
    The Government of the United States does not stand in the same case with the other great Governments of the world in respect of what is happening or what is likely to happen in Mexico. We offer our good offices, not only because of our genuine desire to play the part of a friend, but also because we are expected by the powers of the world to act as Mexico’s nearest friend.     .
    We wish to act in these circumstances in the spirit of the most earnest and disinterested friendship. It is our purpose in whatever we do or propose in this perplexing and distressing situation not only to pay the most scrupulous regard to the sovereignty and independence of Mexico — that we take as a matter of course to which we are bound by every obligation of right and honor — but also to give every possible evidence that we act in the interest of Mexico alone, and not in the interest of any person or body of persons who may have personal or property claims in Mexico which they may feel that they have the right to press.
    We are seeking to counsel Mexico for her own good and in the interest of her own peace, and not for any other purpose whatever. The Government of the United States would deem itself discredited if it had any selfish or ulterior purpose in transactions where the peace, happiness and prosperity of a whole people are involved. It is acting as its friendship for Mexico, not as any selfish interest, dictates.
    The present situation in Mexico is incompatible with the fulfilment of international obligations on the part of Mexico, with the civilized development of Mexico herself, and with the maintenance of tolerable political and economic conditions in Central America; It is upon no common occasion, therefore, that the United States offers her counsel and assistance. All America cries out for a settlement.    
    A satisfactory settlement seems to us to be conditioned on—
    "(a)— Immediate cessation of fighting throughout Mexico, a definite armistice solemnly entered into and scrupulously observed;
    "(b)— Security given for an early and free election in which all will agree to take part.
    "(c)— The consent of Gen. Huerta to bind himself not to be a candidate for election as President of the republic at this election; and "(d)— The agreement of all parties to abide by the results of the election and co-operate in the most loyal way in organizing and supporting the new Administration.    
    "The Government of the United States will be glad to play any part in this settlement or in its carrying out which it can play honorably and consistently with international right. It pledges itself to recognize and in every way possible and proper to assist the Administration chosen and set up in Mexico in the way and on the conditions suggested.
    "Taking all the existing conditions into consideration, the Government of the United States can conceive of no reasons sufficient to justify those who are now attempting to shape the policy or exercise the authority of Mexico in declining the offices of friendship thus offered. Can Mexico give the civilized world a satisfactory reason for rejecting our good offices? If Mexico can suggest any better way in which to show our friendship, serve the people of Mexico, and meet our international obligations, we are more than willing to consider the suggestion.
    "Mr. Lind executed his delicate and difficult mission with singular tact, firmness, and good judgment, and made clear to the authorities at the City of Mexico not only the purpose of his visit but also the spirit in which it had been undertaken. But the proposals he submitted were rejected, in a note the full text of which I take the liberty of laying before you.

Mexican Officials Misinformed.
    "I am led to believe that they were rejected partly because the authorities at Mexico City had been grossly misinformed and misled upon two points. They did not realize the spirit of the American people in this matter, their earnest friendliness and yet sober determination that some just solution be found for the Mexican difficulties; and they did not believe that the present Administration spoke, through Mr. Lind, for the people of the United States.
    "The effect of this unfortunate misunderstanding on their part is to leave them singularly isolated and without friends who can effectually aid them. So long as the misunderstanding continues we can only await the time of their awakening to a realization of the actual facts. We cannot thrust our good offices upon them. The situation must be given a little more time to work itself out in the new circumstances, and I believe that only a little while will be necessary.
    "For the circumstances are new. The rejection of our friendship makes them new and will inevitably bring its own alterations in the whole aspect of affairs. The actual situation of the authorities at Mexico City will presently be revealed.
    "Meanwhile, what is it our duty to do? Clearly, everything that we do must be rooted in patience and done with calm and disinterested deliberation. Impatience on our part would be childish, and would be fraught with every risk of wrong and folly. We can afford to exercise the self-restraint of a really great nation, which realizes its own strength and scorns to misuse it. It was our duty to offer our active assistance. It is now our duty to show what true neutrality will do to enable the people of Mexico to set their affairs in order again and wait for a further opportunity to offer our friendly counsels. The door is not closed against the resumption, either upon the initiative of Mexico or upon our own, of the effort to bring order out of the confusion by friendly co-operative action, should fortunate occasion offer.
    "While we wait, the contest of the rival forces will undoubtedly for a little while be sharper than ever, just because it will be plain that an end must be made of the existing situation, and that very promptly; and with the increased activity of the contending factions will come, it is to be feared, increased danger to the non-combatants in Mexico, as well as to those actually in the field of battle. The position of outsiders is always particularly trying and full of hazard where there is civil strife and a whole country is upset.
    "We should earnestly urge all Americans to leave Mexico at once, and should assist them to get away in every way possible — not because we would mean to slacken in the least our efforts to safeguard their lives and their interests, but because it is imperative that they should take no unnecessary risks when it is physically possible for them to leave the country. We should let every one who assumes to exercise authority in any part of Mexico know in the most unequivocal way that we shall vigilantly watch the fortunes of those Americans who cannot get away, and shall hold those responsible for their sufferings and losses to a definite reckoning. That can be and will be made plain beyond the possibility of a misunderstanding.

Will Enforce Arms Embargo.
    "For the rest, I deem it my duty to exercise the authority conferred upon me by the law of March 14, 1912, to see to it that neither side to the struggle now going on in Mexico receive any assistance from this side the border. I shall follow the best practice of nations in the matter of neutrality by forbidding the exportation of arms or munitions of war of any kind from the United States to any part of the Republic of Mexico — a policy suggested by several interesting precedents and certainly dictated by many manifest considerations of practical expediency. We cannot in the circumstances be the partisans of either party to the contest that now distracts Mexico, or constitute ourselves the virtual umpire between them.
    "I am happy to say that several of the great Governments of the world have given this Government their generous moral support in urging upon the provisional authorities at the City or Mexico the acceptance of our proffered good offices in the spirit in which they were made. We have not acted in this matter under the ordinary principles of international obligation. All the world expects us in such circumstances to act as Mexico’s nearest friend and intimate adviser. This is our immemorial relation toward her. There is nowhere any serious question that we have the moral right in the case or that we are acting in the interest of a fair settlement and of good government, not for the promotion of some selfish interest of our own. If further motive were necessary than our own good will toward a sister republic and our own deep concern to see peace and order prevail in Central America, this consent of mankind to what we are attempting, this attitude of the great nations of the world toward what we may attempt in dealing with this distressed people at our doors, should make us feel the more solemnly bound to go to the utmost length of patience and forbearance in this painful and anxious business.
    "The steady pressure of moral force will before many days break the barriers of pride and prejudice down, and we shall triumph as Mexico's friends sooner than we could triumph as her enemies — and how much more handsomely with how much higher and finer satisfaction of conscience and of honor!"
Gamboa's Reply To Lind.
American Proposals Rejected as Humiliating and Impossible.
    WASHINGTON, Aug. 27. — Following is the reply of Federico Gamboa, Mexican Minister of Foreign Affairs, to the proposals submitted by President Wilson through John Lind:
    "Mexico, Aug. 16, 1913.
    "Sir: On the 6th instant, pursuant to telegraphic instructions from his Government, the Chargé d'Affaires ad interim of the United States of America verbally informed Mr. Manuel Garza Aldape, then in charge of the Department of Foreign Affairs, of your expected arrival in this republic with a mission of peace. As fortunately neither then nor to-day there existed a state of war between the United States of America and the United Mexican States, my Government was very much surprised to learn that your mission near us should be referred to as one of peace. This brought forth the essential condition which my Government ventured to demand in its unnumbered note of the 6th instant addressed to the aforesaid Chargé d'Affaires — 'that if you do not see fit to properly establish your official character' your sojourn could not be pleasing to us according to the meaning which diplomatic usage gives to this word.    
    "Fortunately, from the first interview I had the pleasure to have with you, your character as confidential agent of your Government was fully established, inasmuch as the letter you had the kindness to show me, though impersonally addressed, was signed by the President of the United States, for whom we entertain the highest respect.
    "It is not essential at this time, Mr. Confidential Agent, that I should recall the whole of our first conversation. I will say, however, that I found you to be a well-informed man and animated by the sincerest wishes that the unfortunate tension of the present relations between your Government and mine should reach a prompt and satisfactory solution.
    "During our second interview, which, like the first one of the 14th instant, was held at my private [word omitted], you saw fit, after all intent, honest and frank exchange of opinion concerning the attitudes of our respective Governments which did not lead us to any decision, to deliver to me the note containing the instructions, also signed by the President of the United States.

Highest Respect for Wilson.
    "Duly authorized by the President of the Republic, pursuant to the unanimous approval of the Cabinet, which was convened for the purpose, I have the honor to make a detailed reply to such instructions.
    "The Government of Mexico has paid due attention to the advice and considerations expressed by the Government of the United States; has done this on account of three principal reasons: First, because, as stated before, Mexico entertains the highest respect for the personality of His Excellency Woodrow Wilson; second, because certain European and American governments, with which Mexico cultivates the closest relations of international amity, having in a most delicate, respectful way, highly gratifying to us, made use of their good offices to the end that Mexico should accord you a hearing, inasmuch as you were the bearer of a private mission from the President of the United States; and, third, because Mexico was anxious, not so much to justify its attitude before the inhabitants of the Republic in the present emergency, the great majority of whom, and by means of imposing and orderly manifestations, have signified their adhesion and approval as to demonstrate in every way the justice of its cause.

"Imputation Unfounded."
    "The imputation contained in the first paragraph of your instructions that no progress has been made toward establishing in the capital of Mexico a government that may enjoy the respect and obedience of the Mexican people is unfounded. In contradiction with their gross imputation, which is not supported by any proofs, principally because there are none, it affords me pleasure to refer, Mr. Confidential Agent, to the following facts which abound in evidence and which to a certain extent must be known to you by direct observation:    
    "The Mexican Republic, Mr. Confidential Agent, is formed by twenty-seven States, three Territories, and one Federal District, in which the supreme power of the Republic has its seat. Of these twenty-seven States, eighteen of them, the three Territories, and the Federal District (making a total of twenty-two political entities) are under the absolute control of the present Government, which, aside from the above, exercises its authority over almost every port in the Republic, and consequently over the custom houses therein established. Its southern frontier is open and at peace. Moreover, my Government has an army of 80, 000 men in the field, with no other purpose than to insure complete peace in the Republic, the only national aspiration and solemn promise of the present provisional president. The above is sufficient to exclude any doubt that my Government is worthy of the respect and obedience of the Mexican people, because the latter's consideration has been gained at the cost of the greatest sacrifice and in spite of the most evil influences.    
    "My Government fails to understand what the Government of the United States of America means by saying that it does not find itself in the same case with reference to the other nations of the earth concerning what is happening and is likely to happen in Mexico. The conditions of Mexico at the present time are unfortunately neither doubtful nor secret; it is afflicted with an internal strife, which has been raging almost three years, and which I can only classify in these lines as a fundamental mistake. With reference to what might happen in Mexico, neither you, Mr. Confidential Agent, nor I, nor anyone else can prog-nosticate, because no assertion is possible on incidents which have not occurred. On the other hand, me Government greatly appreciates the good offices tendered to it by the Government of the United States of America in the present circumstances: it recognizes that they are inspired by the noble desire to act as a friend, as well as by the wishes of all the other Governments which expect the United States to act as Mexico's nearest friend. But if such good offices are to be of the character of those now tendered to us, we should have to decline them in the most categorical and definite manner.
    "Inasmuch as the Government of the United States is willing to act in the most disinterested friendship, it will be difficult for it to find a more propitious opportunity than the following. If it should only watch that no material and monetary assistance is given to rebels who find refuge, conspire, and provide themselves with arms and food on the other side of the border; if it should demand from its minor and local authorities the strictest observance of the neutrality laws, I assure you, Mr. Confidential Agent, that the complete pacification of this Republic would be accomplished within a relatively short time.

Can’t Be Answered in Writing.
    "I intentionally abstain from replying to the allusion that it is the purpose of the United States of America to show the greatest respect for the sovereignty and independence of Mexico, because, Mr. Confidential Agent, there are matters which not even from the standpoint of the idea itself could be given an answer in writing. His Excellency, Mr. Wilson, is laboring under a serious delusion when he declares that the present situation of Mexico is incompatible with the compliance of her international obligations, with the development of its own civilization, and with the required maintenance of certain political and economical conditions tolerable in Central America. Strongly backing that there is a mistake, because to this date no charge has been made by any foreign Government accusing us of the above lack of compliance, we are punctually meeting all of our credits; we are still maintaining diplomatic missions cordially accepted in almost all the countries of the world, and we continue to be invited to all kinds of international congresses and conferences.
    "With regard to our interior development, the following proof is sufficient, to wit: A contract has just been signed with Belgian capitalists which means to Mexico the construction of something like 5, 000 kilometers of railway. In conclusion, we fall to see the evil results, which are prejudicial only to ourselves, felt in Central America by our present domestic war.
    "In one thing I do agree with you, Mr. Confidential Agent, and it is that the whole of America is clamoring for a prompt solution of our disturbances, this being a very natural sentiment it it is borne in mind that a country which was prosperous only yesterday has been suddenly caused to suffer a great internal misfortune.  
    "Consequently, Mexico cannot for one moment take into consideration the four conditions which His Excellency Mr. Wilson has been pleased to propose through your honorable and worthy channel. I must give you the reasons for it:
    "An immediate suspension or the struggle in Mexico, a definite armistice, 'solemnly constructed, and scrupulously observed,' is not possible, as to do this it would be necessary that there should be someone capable of proposing it without causing a profound offense to civilization, to the many bandits, who, under this or that pretext, are marauding toward the south and committing the most outrageous depredations; and I know of no country in the world, the United States included, which may have ever dared to enter into agreement or to propose an armistice to individuals who, perhaps on account of a physiological accident, can be found all over the world beyond the pale of the divine and human laws. Bandits, Mr. Confidential Agent, are not admitted to armistice; the first action against them is one of correction, and when this, unfortunately, fails, their lives must be severed for the sake of the biological and fundamental principle; then useful sprouts should grow and fructify.    
    "With reference to the rebels who style themselves 'Constitutionalists, ' one of the representatives of whom has been given an ear by members of the United States Senate, what could there be more gratifying to us than if, convinced of the precipice to which we are being dragged by the resentment of their defeat, in a moment of reaction they would depose their rancor and add their strength to ours, so that all together we would undertake the great and urgent task of national reconstruction? Unfortunately they do not avail themselves of the amnesty law enacted by the Provisional Government immediately after its inauguration, but, on the contrary, well-known rebels holding elective positions in the capital of the republic or profitable employments left the country without molestation, notwithstanding the information which the Government had that they were going to foreign lands, to work against its interests, many of whom have taken upon themselves the unfortunate task of exposing the mysteries and infirmities from which we are suffering, the same as any other human congregation.

No Armistice With Rebels.
    "Were we to agree with them to the armistice suggested, they would, ipso facto, recognize their belligerency, and this is something which cannot be done for many reasons which cannot escape the perspicacity of the Government of the United States of America, which to this day, and publicly, at least, has classed them as rebels just the same as we have. And it is an accepted doctrine that no armistice can be concerted with rebels.
    "The assurance asked of my Government that it should promptly convene to free elections is the most evident proof and the most unequivocal concession that the Government of the United States considers it legally and solidly constituted and that it is exercising, like all those of its class, acts of such importance as to indicate the perfect civil operation of a sovereign nation. Inasmuch as our laws already provide such assurance, there is no fear that the letter may not be observed during the coming elections, and while the present Government is of a provisional character it will cede its place to the definite government which may be elected by the people.
    "The request that General Victoriano Huerta should agree not to appear as a candidate for the Presidency of the republic in the coming elections cannot be taken into consideration, because, aside from its strange and unwarranted character, there is a risk that the same might be interpreted as a matter of personal dislike. This point can only be decided by Mexican public opinion when it may be expressed at the polls.
    "The pledge that all parties should agree beforehand to the results of the election, and to co-operate in the most loyal manner to support and organize the new Administration, is something to be tacitly supposed and desired, and that the experiences of what this internal strife means to us in loss of life and the destruction of property will cause all contending political factions to abide by the results; but it would be extemporaneous to make any assertion in this respect, even by the most experienced countries in civil matters, inasmuch as no one can forecast or foresee the errors and excesses which men are likely to commit, especially under the influence of political passion.

Legality of Huerta Regime.
    "We hasten to signify our appreciation to the United States of America because they agree from to-day to recognize the future, which we, the Mexican people, may elect to rule our destinies. On the other hand we greatly deplore the present tension in our relations with your country, a tension which has been produced without Mexico having afforded the slightest cause therefor.
    "The legality of the Government of Gen. Huerta cannot be disputed. Article 85 of our political Constitution provides:
    If at the beginning of a constitutional term neither the President nor the Vice President elected present themselves, or if the election had not been held and the results thereof declared by the first of December, nevertheless, the President whose term has expired will cease, in his functions, and the Secretary of Foreign Affairs shall immediately take charge of the Executive power in the capacity of Provisional President; and if there should be no Secretary for Foreign Affairs, or if he should be incapacitated, the Presidency shall devolve on one of the other secretaries, pursuant to the order provided by the law establishing their number. The same procedure shall be followed when, in the case of the absolute or temporary absence of the President, the Vice President fails to appear, when on leave of absence from his post, if he should be discharging his duties, and when in the course of his term the absolute absence of both functionaries should occur.
    "Now, then, the facts which occurred are the following: The resignation of Francisco I. Madero, Constitutional President, and José Marla Pino Suarez, Constitutional Vice President of the republic. These resignations having been accepted, Pedro Lascurain, Minister for Foreign Affairs, took charge by operation of law of the vacant Executive power, appointing, as he had the power to do, Gen. Victoriano Huerta to the post of Minister of the Interior. As Mr. Lascurain soon afterward resigned, and as his resignation was immediately accepted by Congress, Gen. Victoriano Huerta took charge of the Executive power, also by operation of law, with the provisional character and under the constitutional promise already complied with to issue a call for Special elections. As will be seen the point of issue is exclusively one of constitutional law, in which no foreign nation, no matter how powerful and respectable it may be, should mediate in the least.
    "Moreover, my Government considers that at the present time the recognition of the Government of Gen. Huerta by that of the United States of America is not concerned, inasmuch as facts which exist on their own account are not and cannot be susceptible of recognition. The only thing which is being discussed is a suspension of relations as abnormal and without reason; abnormal because the Ambassador of the United States of America, in his high diplomatic investiture and appearing as Dean of the Foreign Diplomatic Corps accredited to the Government of the republic, congratulated Gen. Huerta upon his elevation to the Presidency, continued to correspond with this department by means of diplomatic notes, and on his departure left the First Secretary of the Embassy of the United States of America as Chargé d'Affaires ad interim, and the latter continues here in the free exercise of his functions; and without reason, because, I repeat, we have not given the slightest pretext.
    "The confidential agent may believe that solely because of the sincere esteem in which the people and the Government of the United States of America are held by the people and Government of Mexico and because of the consideration which it has for all friendly nations (and especially in this case for those which have offered their good offices) my Government consented to take into consideration, and to answer as briefly as the matter permits, the representations of which you are the bearer. Otherwise, it would have rejected them immediately because of their humiliating and unusual character, hardlv admissible even in a treaty of peace after a victory, inasmuch us in a like case any nation which in the least respects itself would do likewise.
    "It is because my Government has confidence that when the justice of its cause is reconsidered with serenity and from a lofty point of view by the present President of the United States of America, whose sense of morality and uprightness are beyond question, that he will withdraw from his attitude and will contribute to the renewal of still firmer bases for the relations of sincere friendship and good understanding forcibly imposed on us throughout the centuries by our geographical nearness, something which none of us can change, even though we would so desire, by our mutual interests and by our share of activity in the common sense of prosperity, welfare, and culture, in regard to which we are pleased to acknowledge that you are enviably ahead of us.
    "With reference to the final part of the instructions of President Wilson, which I beg to include herewith and which say, 'if Mexico can suggest any better way in which to show our friendship, serve the people of Mexico, and meet our international obligations, we are more than willing to consider the suggestion, ' that final part causes me to propose the following equally decorous arrangement:
    "1. — That our Ambassador be received in Washington.
    "2. — That the United States of America send us a new Ambassador without previous conditions.
    "And all this threatening and distressing situation will have reached a happy conclusion. Mention will not be made of the causes which might carry us, if the tension persists, to no one knows what incalculable extremities for two peoples who have the unavoidable obligation to continue being friends, provided, of course, that this friendship is based upon mutual respect, which is indispensable between two sovereign entities wholly equal before law and justice.
    "In conclusion, permit me, Mr. Confidential Agent, to reiterate to you the assurances of my perfect consideration.
            F. GAMBOA,
            "Secretary for Foreign Affairs of the Republic."

Mexico Makes Notes Public.
    MEXICO CITY, Aug. 27. — Without comment Federico Gamboa, Minister of Foreign Relations, presented to the standing committee of the Mexican Congress to-night all the facts in the controversy between Mexico and the United States.
    The Congressmen comprising the committee received the facts without comment other than that indulged in as individuals after adjournment. Unless there are new developments, it is improbable that discussion, even of a private character, will continue long.
    The Congressmen in discussing the notes exchanged freely commended, the action of the Mexican Government, and that a small part of the public which is cognizant of the character of that action was loud in its praise of what was characterized as the patriotic and dignified attitude of the Huerta Administration.
    No afternoon paper in the capital carried any part of the correspondence between the countries or reference to President Wilson's message. Officials of the Government refused to discuss it, with the exception of Señor Gamboa, who referred to the exchanges, and then only sufficiently to explain that the documents he was handing out for publication were those exchanged up to last night.
    All the Government cared to say regarding the situation was published tonight in the official Diario, a paper issued by the Government for the dissemination of official news.
    "Since the strained relations existing between Mexico and the United States began," said Señor Gamboa in this article, "the ad interim Government, with a full understanding of the obligations and responsibilities, purposed with the greatest possible spirit of conciliation to preserve national decorum, which was in great danger of suffering a serious and transcendental affront, had another line of conduct been adopted from that which was taken under the present circumstances.
    "The strictly secret character of the negotiations which were still under way decided the Government upon witholding until to-day the publication of the whole of the correspondence exchanged between the Chancelleries.
    "In view of the fact that the President of the United States has already submitted the case to Congress, the Constitutional ad interim Government believes it to be its duty through the official organ to inform all the inhabitants of the republic of the state of these delicate negotiations. Purposely not a single comment is added, since the Government believes that the documents are eloquent enough in themselves. It confines itself to hoping for approval of its acts by the people whose destinies it temporarily guides, and recommending the greatest calm and discretion in order that the decorous and solemn course of the aforementioned negotiations may not be hindered."
    President Wilson's second note, made public to-night, insists on an immediate answer only to the demand that Gen. Huerta be eliminated from the electoral contest. All other points, says President Wilson, may be taken up later. He suggests, however, that they be taken up without great delay.
    Minister Gamboa, replying to the second note presented by Mr. Lind, said, in effect, that his first answer might stand for a reply to that note, but that President Huerta, desiring to exercise extreme forbearance, was willing to make further explanations to the suggestion offered by President Wilson that if the Mexican Government "acts immediately and favorably" upon the suggestions President Wilson would "express to American bankers and their associates assurances that the Government will look with favor upon the extension of an immediate loan sufficient to meet the temporary needs of the present Administration."
    To this, Señor Gamboa replied:
    "There could not be a loan big enough offered to induce those intrusted with the national dignity to put that dignity aside."
    The Minister asserted that the recommendation regarding the withdrawal of Gen. Huerta's candidacy was impossible of fulfillment, saying:
    "Not only would we forego our sovereignty, but compromise for an indefinite future our destinies as a sovereign entity, and all future elections for president would be submitted to the veto of any President of the United States. Such an enormity no Government will ever attempt to perpetuate."
    He pointed out the clause in the Constitution which incapacitated a President ad interim from becoming a candidate at a forthcoming election, and said:
    "If President Wilson had taken such paragraph into consideration before venturing to impose upon us the conditions in question, and which we have no power to admit, the present state of affairs between you and ourselves would have been avoided."
    Nobody except President Wilson, Minister Gamboa asserted, raised the point of the candidacy of Gen. Huerta, and he continued:
    "There does not exist a newspaper, club, or group of persons that launched his candidacy or even discussed it. What, then, were the gratuitous suspicions on which the President of the United States based the demand that Gen. Huerta should enter into an agreement never before imposed on a governor of any nation? "
    President Wilson, said Señor Gamboa, might have withdrawn definitely from his attitude, but at the risk of his action being wrongly or differently interpreted by the other nations. He withdrew the suggestion that diplomatic relations be resumed, and considered it enough that the staffs of the respective Embassies should remain in status quo, but on the basis that the Administration be announced as the ad interim Constitutional Government of the republic.     .
    Gen. Huerta was not in the National Palace this afternoon, and at his home it was said he had gone to Popla, a suburb, where he was superintending the erection of a dwelling. A Cabinet Minister said that he was determined not to quit office, and that the summoning to the capital of Gen. Trevino had nothing to do with the change in the Presidency. Huerta appears to believe that the pacification of the country yet can be accomplished by him.
    As a proof of the progress already made in that direction, the Department of War refers to the reports of Federal victories in various parts of the republic, and characterizes the stories of rebel successes as falsehoods. The administration points to the successful repairing of the main line of the National Railway, and expresses the hope that service will be resumed in a few days.
    The Minister of Finance professes faith in the happy outcome of the negotiations with London or other European bankers in an endeavor to obtain $20,000,000, but it is stated generally that even should that loan fail there would remain as a last resort the possibility of raising money in Mexico through increased taxes paid in advance. That plan has been discussed seriously.
    So far as the protection of foreigners is concerned; Mexico takes the position that she will do all in her power to guarantee this. The refusal of the United States to permit arms and ammunition to reach the Mexican Government through American sources will not be so serious a handicap to Gen. Huerta, as he has begun the purchase of supplies from Japan and long has been receiving consignments from Germany and Spain.

Intervention Near, London Papers Say.

New York Times 100 years ago today, August 28, 1913:
Daily Mail Scoffs at Policy of Abandoning American Properties.
Express Says Mexico Must "Climb Down or Fight" — British Sympathy Expressed.
Special Cable to The New York Times.
    LONDON, Thursday, Aug. 28. — The Daily Mail, in an editorial on President Wilson's message, says it is clear that what the United States Government most needs is a policy of what may be called unattached boldness.
    The principal clause of the message is a thing imagination boggles at. The President urges 60, 000 or so American citizens residing in Mexico to clear out of the country. This group of men manage to control a great part of the railways, tramways and other utilities of Mexico. They represent as much as $500, 000, 000 capital, and unless they can put these trains and tramways into their pockets when they migrate, they must presumably leave them for the benefit of all and sundry. The message should be quite popular in Mexico.
    "This policy, bold though it is, is in essence even more negative than previous contributions of Washington to the solution of the many problems raised by Diaz's fall."
    The Daily News says:
    "If only the European powers do not stiffen Huerta's back, Wilson's policy may prove as judicious as prudent."
    The Daily Chronicle, referring to President Wilson's claim that his attitude is approved by other interested powers, says:
    "That is true in a sense. None of them, least of all ourselves, desires to increase the difficulties of the United States or has failed to recognize how preponderant, for geographical reasons, is her interest in Mexican politics. Nevertheless, it was the powers' policy to recognize Huerta, and it is Wilson's not to, and those two policies are not only distinct but to a great extent the second undoes the first. Had the United States stood in line with the other powers, Huerta could have obtained the necessary money, supported as he is by most of the regular military and civil forces of the country."
    The Times says:
    "The world will read with a certain bewilderment the President's statement that 'if Mexico can suggest any better way in which the United States can show its friendship we are more than willing to consider the suggestion. Not only Mexico, but all the foreign residents of Mexico and every Government whose nationals possess interests in that country have already pointed out a 'better way.' It is a simple and, we believe, an effective way, and it consists in America's following the example already set by other powers and recognizing Huerta.
    "As to America's insistence upon a general election as a means of regularizing the status of the Mexican President, Mr. Wilson can hardly be unaware that there has never yet been a genuine poll of the people of Mexico, that elections there are automatically 'made' by the party or ruler in control, and that to hold one now with the idea of testing the real sentiments of the people would be little less than a farce. Huerta would no doubt be willing to go through with the farce if it were not for the American stipulation that he is not to play the principal rôle in it. That is a demand with which President Wilson can hardly expect him to comply. It is difficult, indeed, to resist the suspicion that in thus emphasizing its purely personal objections to Huerta the United States Government may be jeopardizing its best chance of the assisting country of which, for the first time, at all events, he is the effective ruler."
    The Morning Post says:
    "President Wilson will have his hands full if he sets himself up as a censor of morals for the Presidents of Latin-America. Among the republics of this region revolutions are, to say the least, not an uncommon incident, and if the United States is to withhold the light of her countenance from every administration which is not placed in office by strictly constitutional means her relations with her neighbors may well become somewhat strained.
    "What guarantee can President Wilson have that, if a man of unblemished moral character is selected by the strictest constitutional methods to fill the office of President of Mexico, his rivals would allow him to reign in peace; and if the election did not establish peace between the hostile factions, the United States would be unable to escape from the responsibility of intervening to restore order; for if, as President Wilson declares, she is prepared to support a duly elected President by all the means in her power, she could be bound to take his side against all parties who tried to overthrow him and once she accepted this duty. Mexico would be in fact, if not in name, an American protectorate."

    LONDON, Thursday, Aug 28. — The London morning papers, commenting on the message, are not altogether sanguine of the wisdom or success of President Wilson's policy, but are agreed that it is almost certain to lead to American intervention, therefore indicating that a grave crisis has been reached.
    The Morning Post says:
    "President Wilson will have his hands full if he sets himself up as the censor of morals for the Presidents of Latin America, and if the United States accepts the duty of supporting the duly elected President, Mexico would become in fact, if not in name, an American protectorate."
    The Express says:
    "President Wilson is not the man to bluff on such a question. From his stern and explicit message it is clear that Mexico must either climb down or fight. If the former, she admits American suzerainty; if the latter, she may lose her independence altogether. Great Britain has large interests and much to lose by war, but it is difficult to understand how British sympathy could otherwise be bestowed than on the United States."

    BERLIN, Thursday, Aug. 28. — The Berlin morning papers print President Wilson's message practically without comment. Only The Deutsche Tages-Zeitung says that it is moderate and peaceable, but infers from the words that patience and forbearance are demanded in the present situation, and that "the United States is only waiting until the roast is cooked through."

    PARIS, Thursday, Aug. 28. — The Paris newspapers give much prominence to President Wilson's message, but the majority of them abstain from comment. The Petit Parisien prints in italics that part of the message in which Americans are urged to leave Mexico at once, and at the same time calls attention to the fact that war is in no sense contemplated.
    The Journal says that whatever hope President Huerta may have placed in the belief that President Wilson's policy would not be supported must now be dissipated, for, it declares, the message was an undoubted success.

Federals May Quit Juarez.

New York Times 100 years ago today, August 28, 1913:
Rush Order for Troop Train — Conditions Bad in Torreon.
    EL PASO, Texas, Aug. 27. — Preparations, apparently for a possible evacuation of Juarez by the Federal forces, were made hurriedly to-day. A special troop train of twenty cars was ordered made ready by Gen. Francisco Castro, the commander, and all of the more than 2, 000 troops in the town were prepared for a quick move. Federal officials would not admit that withdrawal was planned.
    American refugees who left Torreon Aug. 24 arrived here to-day and said 600 men had been killed in the fighting there when they left, and the Federals were burning their dead in the streets. An epidemic of typhoid fever had started, and conditions were desperate for Americans remaining there.
    Federals had abandoned Gomez Palacio and Lardo, suburbs, and rebels had entered both villages and destroyed several stores. The refugees said rebels controlled both railroads leading to Torreon, and had dynamited six trains on the international railway.

Rebels Busy Getting Arms.

New York Times 100 years ago today, August 28, 1913:
Force American Smelting Company to Make Cannon for Them.
Special to The New York Times.
    WASHINGTON, Aug. 27. — The State Department was advised to-day by Consul Hamm at Durango that Gov. Carranza of Coahuila, the Constitutionalist leader, and his staff left that place yesterday for Sonora to confer with the revolutionary leaders in that State. Carranza is expected to return to Durango and to keep the headquarters of the revolutionary forces there.
    The revolutionists, Consul Hamm reports, are making desperate efforts, it is said, to perfect their military organizations and to obtain arms and ammunition for their regular organizations in the field. They are directing special energy to providing artillery, and have seized shops and supplies of steel and iron for that purpose.
    The American Smelting and Refining Company, the Consul says has been forced by the revolutionist leaders to make cannon for them in its shops at Velardena. A large revolutionary force is centered at Velardena and Pedricena.