Reject Bryan's Isthmian Policy.

New York Times 100 years ago today, July 21, 1913:
Honduras and Salvador Refuse Terms Nicaragua Is Willing to Accept.
SHATTERS ALLIANCE DREAM
Tempest Expected Among Little Republics When Change in Treaty Is Known.
AMOUNTS TO PROTECTORATE
Application of Bryan's Plan Would End Idea of Central American Federation.
Special to The New York Times.
    WASHINGTON, July 20.— Secretary Bryan's plan of establishing a virtual American protectorate over Nicaragua, suggested to the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations yesterday, is only the beginning of a general policy along the same lines toward the rest of Central America. It became known to-day that Mr. Bryan had offered to make treaties with Honduras and Salvador, which would afford to those republics the protection of the United States under conditions that practically would enable this Government to control their foreign intercourse and the contracting of foreign loans. The representatives of Honduras and Salvador to whom Secretary Bryan made his proposal declined to entertain it.
    The Central American contingent in Washington is wrought up over the latest development in the situation. This state of perturbation has been continuous, however, since the negotiation of the Knox treaty, which was revived in a modified form by the Wilson Administration, and now is to be radically extended in certain particulars, if the views expressed by Secretary Bryan are carried out.
    According to Central Americans here, the Nicaraguan treaty will mean the end of the proposal to form a union of the five Central American States. This union has been the dream of Central American politicians for many years. Once it was accomplished, but the federation did not last long, factional troubles bringing it to an end. However, the idea has not been abandoned. A hopeful feeling that a permanent union could be arranged was prevalent throughout the isthmian countries when Nicaragua entered into the arrangement with the United States.
    Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala have had a crow to pick with Nicaragua since the terms of the Knox treaty became known. Costa Rica also objected to the arrangement, but based her fault-finding with Nicaragua on things that had nothing to do with a Central American alliance. There was great excitement in Salvador and anti-American demonstrations were held. Honduras, like Salvador, objected to the treaty on the ground that it seemed to subvert the sovereignty of Nicaragua and thus made impossible the contemplated federation.

Costa Rica Not Consulted.
    Casta Rica objected because it had not been consulted regarding the use of the San Juan River in connection with the arrangement giving to the United States the exclusive right to construct a canal across the Isthmus. Costa Rica contended that, although there apparently was no intention of reviving the Nicaragua Canal project, nevertheless such a canal could not be constructed without utilizing the waters of San Juan River. As Costa Rica has as much right as Nicaragua to the disposal of the waters of the San Juan River, which forms part of the dividing line between the countries, that republic is unable to understand why it is not considered in the treaty.
    Coincident with the negotiations of the old Nicaragua treaty in another form, word reached the ears of Secretary Bryan that Honduras and Salvador were incensed over the action of the United States and Nicaragua in entering the compact. It was said to-day that Mr. Bryan responded to these reports by sending for Dr. Membreno, the Minister of Honduras, and Federico de Mejia, the Minister of Salvador, to whom he gave assurances that in making the treaty with Nicaragua it was not the intention of the Wilson Administration to discriminate against other Central American countries. He expressed a perfect willingness to make a similar treaty with Honduras and Salvador.
    Instead of having a calming effect, this assurance alarmed the envoys. They explained that Secretary Bryan had misunderstood the ground that they had taken in the matter. They did not object to the Nicaraguan treaty because it seemed to be giving advantages to Nicaragua which were not granted to Honduras and Salvador, they said, but to the fact that a Central American republic had made any such treaty. It embodied, they said, exactly what their own Governments did not want, and meant an end to the fond hope of a Central American federation.
    Dr. Membreno left Washington for Honduras on July 2, and it was said to-day that he went home to consult with his Government about the Nicaraguan treaty.

American Invasion Cry.
    "The American invasion has begun," was the cry in a large part of Central America, when the terms of the treaty became known. This was prior to the new agreement between Secretary Bryan and the Nicaraguan Government providing that the principles of the Platt amendment would be applied to Nicaragua. It was predicted to-day that the excitement would be increased tenfold when the new terms suggested by Mr. Bryan became known throughout Central America.
    The Platt amendment was drafted by the late Senator Orville H. Platt of Connecticut to define the relations of Cuba and the United States after Cuba became a republic. At the insistence of this Government it was incorporated in the Cuban Constitution. A treaty between the United States and Cuba, proclaimed July 2, 1904, provided for carrying out the obligations imposed by both Governments through this amendment. There are eight articles in the Platt amendment with respect to Cuba, but Secretary Bryan has proposed that only three of these shall be incorporated in the Nicaraguan treaty.
    These articles are to provide that Nicaragua shall not enter into any arrangement with a foreign nation that will impair Nicaraguan independence, nor permit foreign possession or control over any portion of that country; that Nicaragua shall not contract any public debt which she is unable to discharge, and that the United States shall have the right to intervene for the protection of Nicaraguan independence and the maintenance of a Government adequate for the protection of life, property, and individual liberty.
    It was pointed out to-day that the contemplated arrangement with Nicaragua would be of little consequence as a policy of the United States if applicable to Nicaragua alone. To make it the safeguard for American interests that it is intended to be, the plan, it was contended, must be extended to every Latin-American country that has had trouble with foreign creditors.
    That the Administration intends the Nicaraguan treaty merely to be a beginning of a broad general policy is shown by Secretary Bryan's willingness to make treaties with Salvador and Honduras along the lines of the original Nicaraguan treaty.
    That original treaty did not embody, of course, the proposed principles of the Platt amendment, but gave to the United States the right to prevent foreign nations from obtaining a foothold in Nicaragua by means of the construction of an Isthmian canal, and also provided for the use of Nicaraguan territory for a naval coaling station for the United States. These provisions wore construed by the other Central American republics, however, as placing Nicaragua under the control of the Washington Government.
    The proposals made by Secretary Bryan to the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations were the outcome of negotiations that have been under way for some time between Mr. Bryan and Pedra Vuadra, the Nicaraguan Minister of the Treasury. Gen. Emiliano Chamorra, the Nicaraguan Minister in Washington, has been a participant in these conferences. To most persons acquainted with Central America's intense suspicion of the United States the fact that Nicaragua was willing to enter into a compact by which she recognizes the Government at Washington as suzerain will seem strange. But it was on Nicaragua's initiative that Secretary Bryan undertook to obtain the approval of the Senate committee to the proposal to apply the principles of the. Platt amendment to the Central American republic.

Nicaragua Sees a Light.
    The truth of the thing is that Nicaragua has seen a light. The peace and tranquillity that prevailed in Nicaragua during the occupation of that country by American bluejackets and marines under Rear Admiral Southerland last year and for the early months of 1913 taught prominent people there what might be expected in the way of happiness and prosperity under the rule of the United States. The American forces were landed to protect the lives and property of citizens of the United States during the revolutionary movement led by Gen. Mena.
    The whole story of what the men of Admiral Southerland's command accomplished during their stay in Nicaragua has not been told. Much was left to Admiral Southerland's discretion, and he used his authority to see that not only Americans, but distressed Nicaraguans were succored. His troops came in conflict with Mena's followers, and severe fighting resulted. Admiral
    Southerland practically drove the revolutionists out of the country, operated railroad trains, and kept lines of communication open, fed the people in many towns, and generally relieved the prevailing distress.
    It was asserted here to-day that a great change of sentiment toward the United States had been produced in Nicaragua by the work of Admiral Southerland. and particularly by the conduct of the marines that remained in possession of the country after the fighting was over. By orders from Washington all persons in need of food and clothing were provided for out of the marine stores, and while the American forces remained in the territory of the republic there was peace and happiness. The gratitude of the Nicaraguan people has been attested in letters addressed to this Government and to Admiral Southerland.
    "The American occupation of Nicaragua was a great blessing," was remarked by a friend of that country tonight. "It stopped graft and showed the people what could be done with law, order, and decency established there."