Yuan Shih-kai's Progress.

New York Times 100 years ago today, July 27, 1913:
    Perhaps the most significant item in the recent dispatches from China is the report that Sun Yat-sen, the professedly radical republican leader, has been deprived of his right to control all railway construction throughout the "republic." The grant of this right was one of the boldest assumptions of power on the part of the dictator, President Yuan Shih-kai. It cannot quite be said to have been in violation of the Constitution, because China has no Constitution beyond the edicts and proclamations of Yuan, but on its face it was the sort of thing that the Manchu Emperor used to do, and for doing which the revolutionists upset the dynasty. This fact did not prevent Yuan offering what was an immense bribe to secure Sun's support, or prevent that exalted patriot from accepting it. When the new rebellion broke out in the south, Sun Yat-sen, either deceived as to its real strength, or compelled by its leaders, joined in it, to the great joy of Young China. Perhaps he thought he would retain his fat concession in defiance of Yuan, as that wily statesman did not immediately seek to punish him. But as soon as Yuan's troops, heartened by an installment of their pay, began to move effectively against the new revolution, Sun Yat-sen's privileges were canceled. That worthy can now pursue his lofty aims undisturbed by consideration of personal interests unless, or until, it occurs to Yuan to have him assassinated.
    This evidence that Yuan is confident of putting down the rebellion in the south is encouraging in the sense that it promises a certain degree of order and consistent responsible control of the affairs of the nation, with the maintenance of territorial integrity and the establishment of a government with which the rest of the world can, after a fashion, deal. Of course, China will, in any case, be a republic only in name. Yuan's rule is sure to be about as arbitrary and despotic as that of the Manchus and with as strong an infusion of force and of corruption as circumstances seem to him to require. So far his policy with the men whose support he needs or whose hostility he fears has been to buy them or to kill them. The double process has given him a precarious but, on the whole, a favorable position which, if he can subdue the southern secession, may prove a really strong one. On ethical grounds it is not a matter for gratulation, but it is probably the best for China, and, indirectly, for the other nations.
    Yuan Shih-kai is ambitious both as to power and wealth, but he seems to realize that both wealth and power can come only through order and development in China, through a rational trade policy with the outside Powers, and through China's ability to defend herself against aggression. He professes to believe in a steady extension of railways and other forms of transportation and communication; in the security and encouragement of production and commerce; in a disciplined army under central control, and in the protection of the lives and property of foreigners. If he can promote these, outside critics need not greatly be perturbed by the special means which he uses to preserve his sway.