Proposing A Halt.

New York Times 100 years ago today, March 29, 1913:
    "Evil and insensate folly," "wasteful, purposeless, and futile folly," "one of the most stupid and unnatural chapters in the history of European civilization" — these are the stinging words in which Mr. Churchill, Naval Minister in the Asquith Government, describes the "present acute rivalry in armaments." And he proposes to suspend the increase of the British Navy for a year if the rivals of Great Britain will do likewise.
    We address this proposal to all nations and to no nation with more profound sincerity than to our great neighbor over the North Sea.
    The first impression that this remarkable proposal must naturally make is that of a confession of weakness. The Germans of the type of Bernhardi will naturally so regard it. They will link it up with the equally remarkable statement by Mr. Churchill a year ago that whatever Germany did in building warships England would do twice as much and would go on doing it indefinitely. And they will say that Britain is weary of that unlimited task, feels unable to carry it out, and is begging her rival to give her a chance to rest from it. But this interpretation is by no means the only one — is, in all probability, not the right one. A year ago Mr. Churchill put a vital truth in a striking, in almost a brutal, fashion. It was generally expected that Germany would hotly resent it. Germany — that is, the responsible statesmen of Germany — did nothing of the sort. On the contrary, before a year had passed the chief naval authority of the German Navy announced that, for the present at least, the ratio of six German vessels to ten British was satisfactory. And both in the Reichstag and in the House of Commons the respective Governments have recognized cordially the great improvement that has taken place in the relations of the two Powers. It is not probable, but it is not at all impossible, that Mr. Churchill's frank words may be followed by an understanding between the two Governments.
    It is not to be denied that what Mr. Churchill says is in reality true, unless the two Governments are resolved on war. In a sense there is no excuse for war. Each nation professes to be acting strictly on the defensive and solely in view of possible aggression on the part of the other. If this profession is sincere and each can be convinced that the other does not intend aggression the need of further preparation ceases. The possibility of reducing armaments approaches. Surely this ought not to be a hopeless achievement for the leading statesmen of the two countries. It is made more practicable, by the experience of the last six months, when the two governments have found themselves working patiently and candidly together against a common peril and for the general good.