Tuesday, September 18, 2012

Washington Warns Central America.

New York Times 100 years ago today, September 18, 1912:
United States Has a Moral Mandate to Keep the Peace, Says Note to Nicaragua.
MAY BE MEANT FOR MEXICO
Policy Stated by Acting Secretary Wilson Is Long Step Forward Toward Dominating Republics.
Special to The New York Times.
    WASHINGTON, Sept. 17.— The revolution in Nicaragua, now apparently almost at an end, has given the United States an opportunity to announce the most advanced position of supervision over the Central American countries that it has yet assumed.
    Minister Weitzel on Sept. 12 handed to the Nicaraguan Government, communicated to the rebels, and made public a note from Acting Secretary Wilson setting forth this Government's unalterable opposition to Gen. Mena's revolution. The note made it plain that while American marines were landed to protect American lives and property, they were intended also to leave the Nicaraguan army free to hunt down Gen. Mena, who is characterized in the harshest language. But while the note excoriates the rebels and their chief and refers especially to American interests in Nicaragua, phrases in the document seem to show that it is intended rather as a warning to Central America in general than a setting forth of the well-understood position of the United States in Nicaragua. Particular attention has been attracted to this statement:
    Under the Washington conventions, the United States has a moral mandate to exert its influence for the preservation of the general peace of Central America, which is seriously menaced by the present uprising, and to this end in the strict enforcement of the Washington conventions and loyal support of their aims and purposes all the Central American republics will find means of valuable co-operation.
    America's purpose, the note declares, is to foster true constitutional government and free elections, and to this end strong moral support will be given to established Governments against revolutions based upon the selfish designs of would-be despots, and not upon any principle or popular demand. Force will be used, if necessary, in maintaining free communication with and to protect American Ministries and Legations.
    In some quarters to-night the belief is expressed that the statement was put out at this time partly because of the disturbed conditions in Mexico, Cuba, and Santo Domingo.
    The declaration marked a long step in the direction of Latin-American domination since Secretary Knox's note of Dec. 1, 1909, dismissing Felipo Rodriguez. Nicaraguan Chargé under the Zelaya régime, which set all Latin-America by the ears. But Mr. Knox's note was mild in comparison to the one made public at the State Department to-day. The latter was dated Aug. 20, only three days after the President left Washington, and there is reason to believe that its details were modified by cable last Thursday, following a conference at Beverly between the President, Attorney General Wickersham, and Chandler P. Anderson, counselor for the State Department.

See a Hint to Mexico.
    Those who see in it a possible reference to the protracted disturbance in Mexico call attention to the omission of all mention of Mexico in connection with our "moral mandate" under the Washington conventions to exert American influence for the maintenance of Central American peace. Mr. Knox told Señor Rodriguez that President Zelaya had violated "the engagements (of the five Central American republics) so solemnly undertaken at Washington (in 1907) under the auspices of the United States and Mexico."
    In some quarters it is suggested that this omission means more than a recognition of the fact that Mexico is now unable to assist this country, and that when the note says that the United States "discountenances any revival of Zelayaism in Nicaragua and co-operates forcefully with the Government troops for the suppression of the rebellion," there is a hint to Mexico that it may be necessary in the same way to protect Americans in that country by force, while the Mexican Army is left free to fight the rebels.
    Mr. Wilson's note states that three years ago this Government opposed not only President Zelaya personally, but the governmental system that he represented. This Government's present opposition to Gen. Mena is based on the ground that he represents a revival of the Zelaya idea.

A Broad Interpretation.
    This brings out the reference to the Washington conventions of 1907. The interpretation he puts upon American obligations under those conventions is bound to be received with surprise by at least four of the signatory powers. The treaty in which the Washington conference culminated contains only one mention of the United States and Mexico, and that states that by invitation of the signatories American and Mexican representatives were present at the deliberations. The obligations were all on the five countries that signed the conventions.
    The conventions were then construed as intended to end the operations of Central American States against each other. But Mr. Wilson's note evidently interprets them as aimed at all disturbances, whether foreign or domestic. His interpretation puts on the United States a "moral mandate" to use its influence for the prevention and suppression of internal disturbances, and he does not make it plain that direct danger to Americans or American property is necessary.
    Article II. of the Washington conventions is apparently relied upon for this interpretation, though it was said at the time that it meant simply that one nation was not to permit attacks on the constitutional Government of another. This article reads:
    Desiring to secure in the republics of Central America the benefits which are derived from the maintenance of their institutions, and to contribute at the same time in strengthening their stability and prestige with which they ought to be surrounded, it is declared that every disposition or measure which may tend to alter the constitutional organization in any of them is to be deemed a menace to the peace of said republics.
    The part the United States and Mexico were expected to play is set forth in the statement that "their Excellencies the Presidents of the Central American Republics shall invite their Excellencies the Presidents of the United States of America and the United Mexican States to appoint, if they deem proper, their respective representatives to lend their good and impartial offices in a purely friendly way toward me realization of the objects of the conference."
    The conventions, as finally signed, did not name any one with authority to enforce the compact.

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